Mystery of Plovers Moat 34 怪談 千鳥ヶ淵 34

  As is evidenced to a jurist in the column left, Imperial House Law in violation of Constitution (Article 14) best symbolizes our national stalemate in that it was so built in a postwar restoration plotted by our straggling leaders, now driving Imperial family into a corner ultimately that they can, as far as this column has analyzed, not help ignoring the human rights of our most historic family who even declare itself human, only to hide their obsolete conspiracy to emasuculate our supreme law.
  Our mass media must be most responsible for making the family a victim of their undue favor in such a way, when they all turn to oysters well knowing this constitutional offense to be a tip of an iceberg, in spite of themselves always trumpeting anything true or false.
  Under such a national crisis, I wonder why our pessimistic philosopher shouldn't be a bit interested in this direction if he really finds it meaningful to continue his "microscopic" attack (See Nakajima's "Your Life" left), not even to get a foreign author's telescopic "Faculty X" (Wilson's "The Occult" left). 

  http://homepage2.nifty.com/georgemt

　左欄で憲法学者に論証した通り、憲法 （14条）違反の皇室典範ほど、わが国の行き詰りを象徴するものは無いが、この敗残支配層が企てた戦後復古陰謀が今や裏目に出た皇室の窮状は、本欄が解明した限り、わが支配層が、己が陰謀を隠蔽する為に、せっかく人間宣言までした最も由緒ある一族の人権を蹂躙してまで、憲法違反の旧弊に執着せざるを得ないからだ。
　この贔屓の引き倒しに一番に責任があるのはマスコミに違いなかろうが、有ること無いことを吹聴して止まないくせに、この違憲状態が氷山の一角だと知り尽くすマスコミは、われにも非ず、ここで牡蠣の如く黙り込む。
　この国難に際し、わが悲観主義哲学者も、その 「顕微鏡的」 論難に何らかの意義を認める以上 （左欄、中島 著 「人生」 参照）、異国作家の望遠鏡的 「X機能」 （左欄、ウイルソン 著 「オカルト」） と迄は言わないから、こちら位は向いても良くはないか。


  http://www.freepe.com/i.cgi?georgemt
  「怪談千鳥ヶ淵異聞」  

Mystery of Plovers Moat 33 怪談 千鳥ヶ淵 33

  Isn't the front page column in my morning newspaper (8th) a sleek excuse for my latest accusation of  "Misjudgement of the century" against its report on our first House breakup?
  Joking aside, there is no comparison between the misunderstanding by such mass media and the beautifully wrong refereeings in the column because of our ever-lasting sufferings only from the former.
  By the way, why don't you check your newspaper (9th) if it carries Chief Cabinet Secretary bluffing at his debut on air that they would take the initiative in translating Constitution? Mine carries nothing like that as a proof of our latest sufferings mentioned.
  The largest paper advocating a constitutional reform does so (center, p3) alright, only to confirm, like its peers, the gone cabinet policy of such an acuter political initiative, which seems to be regarded as a fait accompli by my paper (See MPM 26 herein) thus going too far ahead of others in fixing it as our latest national practice.
  Our long-time governmental practice as the base of such a recent political issue is, however, wrong ever after it was established as a supreme court precedent (Sunagawa case: 16/12/59) in that as the minority opinion (Tomatsu's "Constitutional Precedents" left, pp 10 & 11) testifies neatly, there is no need for Judicature to leave alone other wings of Three powers at whatsoever work when they are together handling one and the same Sovereignty from their own sides.
  As any matter here is to be rectified according to Constitution, it is so natural for it with different decisions beforehand from its both or more sides, and the majority opinion at the court is totally groundless.
  Thus, our Judicature misused a shade of meaning to throw away its accountability, while our late Emperor used it to keep his non-accountability too heavy to break in answering his war responsibility at his retrospective interview. How different!
  Stop calling white black to start things anew.

  http://homepage2.nifty.com/georgemt

　わが新聞の朝刊一面コラム （8日） は、初回衆院解散を巡り当紙が 「世紀の誤審」 を犯したとする本欄前回の非難からの、巧妙な言い逃れではなかろうか。
　これは冗談で、この解散でのマスコミの誤解は、今に止まない国民の苦難の根源なのだから、競技場での華麗なる誤審と同日には談じられない。
  ところで、あなたの朝刊 （9日） は新内閣官房長官が憲法解釈には政治主導で臨むと第一声で嘯いていたのを報じていようか。わが新聞は全てを隠し、この国難を現に論より証拠で示している。
　さすがに憲法改正を標榜する最大紙は、これを大きく報じて （3頁、中央） 筋を通しているが、所詮は僚紙同様、前内閣により更に先鋭化された当政治主導を追認する為で、これを、わが購読紙は既成事実として新たな国策扱いする御先棒を担いだ訳だ （当欄、「怪26」）。
　この国策上の最近の難題は、しかし、既に長年に亙った政治慣行の延長問題に過ぎず、全てが判例 （左欄、戸松 著 「憲法判例」、8-10頁: 砂川事件上告審: 59/12/16） に従ったが故の間違いである。その理由は、この最高裁判決に際しての少数意見 （同前、10-11頁） が述べて余す所が無いが、唯一無二の国家統治を三権が各自の側面から執行する上で、司法権が他の二権に遠慮する必要など有る訳が無い。
　ここでは、あらゆる案件が憲法に照らして調整されるのだから、その際に司法権の判断が他権の判断と表裏を成していたり、三権三様に成っていたりするのは当たり前で、この多数意見による判旨は全く理由を成さない。
　わが司法権は、こんな言葉の綾で自らの答責を地に投げ打ったが、言葉の綾と言えば、先帝が回顧談で無答責を守って戦争責任への言及を慎むのに使ったのとは、まさに天地の開きが有る。　　
　白を黒と言うを止め、ネジを巻き直すべし。

  http://blog.livedoor.jp/gmt3323  (千鳥ヶ淵異聞)　　

Mystery of Plovers Moat 32 怪談 千鳥ヶ淵 32

  Compare two historic comments in newspapers left with another in the third paper a bit below them, to see how our leading paper led others by its comment proved totally wrong (See "MPM 29" herein) in concluding a national conspiracy successfully at the first House breakup (23/12/48) under our new Constitution.
  To sum the whole plot up without repeating its secret so far exposed herein, our monster must have led it all under the foreign minister-turned prime minister in the process with a leftist ruffian and a quibbler bureaucrat shown left as their rear.
  The bureaucrat' s notorious sophism aside, the leftist's similar notion is so apologetic that you can't help realizing its extra-constitutional nature. A principle is not always a reality, you see.
  With our monster's version (8/11/48) dominating the situation, all the three papers most responsible for causing the morale lost their common ground when the monster's first henchman revealed, 1976, in his memoir (Irie's "Constitutionalization" p233, left) that they unlawfully ("MPMs 21 & 27" herein) changed Article 69's active voice into a passive so that it would be in harmony with Article 7-3's Imperial Prerogative after the British against GHQ's intention, leaving alone our bureaucrat who left such a transcendental remark in the constitutionalization Diet (Peers'; 26/8/46) as its minister in charge, "People's Sovereignty latent in the past is now emerging to change essentially nothing." in that mass media led by such papers dared to ignore ("Book Reviews 1976" left, p105) our henchman's confession. 　

  http://homepage2.nifty.com/georgemt

  左欄2紙上の歴史的見解表明を少々下方の別紙のと比較すれば、一紙が全くの間違いと分かった (当欄、「怪29」 参照) 意見で他紙を先導し、わが国家的謀略を新憲法下初の衆院解散 (48/12/23) で成功させた次第が読める。
　この謀略を一口に言えば、当初の外相、後の首相の命令で、わが怪物が、当欄で解明した一味の策略を、今回浮上した左翼ゴロや地口官僚を殿にして、成功させたのだ。
　この官僚の悪名高い奇弁は論外として、同様趣旨を陳べる左翼の方が余りに弁解じみ、その力説の憲法上の無根拠性を却って露呈させている。原理は必ずしも現実ではない。
　かくて、わが怪物の解散権解釈 (48/11/8) による状況支配の雰囲気作りに最大の責任がある三大紙共通の立場が根底から崩壊したのは、怪物のトリオの一員が1976年に遺著（左欄、入江 著 「憲法成立」 233頁）で、69条に不法 (当欄、怪21及び27) に受動態を導入、GHQの意図に反し英国流を真似て、7-3条の天皇大権との釣り合いを計ったと告白したからで、これを三紙を始めマスコミは敢えて無視 （左欄、「書評年報 1976」、105頁） する自殺行為に及び、地口屋が制憲議会 (貴族院; 46/8/26) で担当相として 「国民主権は、過去には潜在的だったが将来は顕在化するだけで、本質的変化は無い」 などと超絶的迷句を弄したのも逆夢となった。
 
　http://blog.livedoor.jp/gmt3323 (千鳥ヶ淵異聞)　　.

Mystery of Plovers Moat 31 怪談 千鳥ヶ淵 31

  A bolter from LDP is essentially wrong when he says in this morning paper (Feature "Opinion") what his fellow runaway says is not essential because the provision is essentially for our head of state as he implies in spite of his actual status of our symbol improvised by Mac for him to get rid of his imminent execution. Hence, the matter is not nominal as he maintains but is substantial as our symbol shall not play our head of state.
  It is tricky because the gap between the two functions is so narrow that you may easily mistake one for the other just as a judge submitted a status of our head to our symbolic Emperor in handing down his verdict to mislead House Breakup Power to Cabinet (See Miyazawa's "Constitution" p534, left).
  Hence, a Privy Councillor's grandson is more reasonable than an eminent writer's in deserting their sinking boat hit by a statesman's wearing the power, but you have no time for idling their Mayday.

  http://homepage2.nifty.com/georgemt

　自民党脱党者が、けさの新聞 （"Opinion" 欄） で同輩脱党者の主張を本質的でないと評したのが本質的に間違いなのは、この条規が、本質的には彼が主張する通りに元首の国事行為であるのに、実はマ将軍が切迫する元首の危機を彼を象徴に変える機転で避けたことによるからだ。即ち、問題は彼の主張するような言葉の綾ではなく実質を伴っており、象徴は元首の役を演じてはならないのだ。
　そこが微妙なのだが、この二つの役柄は紙一重の所があり、下手をすると取り違えて、あの裁判官のように、象徴天皇に元首の地位を奉呈して、衆院解散権が内閣に漂着することにもなる（左欄、宮沢著 「日本国憲法」 534頁参照）。
　即ち、大政治家の孫の自爆船からの脱出には、文豪の孫より枢密顧問官の孫に従う方が理に叶っているが、遭難にマゴマゴする閑は無い。
　　 
　http://blog.livedoor.jp/gmt3323 (千鳥ヶ淵異聞)

Mystery of Plovers Moat 30 怪談 千鳥ヶ淵 30

  Thus, Premier's House Breakup under Article 7-3 as a core of our greatest conspiracy was denied by its leader himself theoretically after it had been firmly institutionalized in our society, but we have no effective means to correct this national wrongdoing owing to our incompetent judicial system. You may remember now a former judge lamenting, "We are not in a constitutional country." at the start of our unconstitutional people's court. (See "M16" end herein)
  Supreme Court shall determine the constitutionality of any (and every) law (Article 81), not through its current incidental review invalid for a new law getting valid unchecked but through an abstract one with its own organ "beyond the scope of courts" if necessary.(Miyazawa's "Constitutional Lecture" left)
  Finally, every Japanese including Imperial family shall enjoy basic human rights in spite of our monster's "worry" (Miyazawa's "Principles of Constitution" left) or his guardian theorist's "sanctuary"(Hasebe's "Law & Peace", left).
  American civil rights movement changed the racial prejudice to be ruled by Obama (Gasset's "Mass Rebellion" left), while our late Emperor declaring his humanity failed to change his theocracy due to a restorative attempt by his loyal subjects (Nakamura's "Japanese Culture" left), human rights were the common test on both sides though.         

  http://homepage2.nifty.com/georgemt
 

　かくて未曾有の陰謀の核心たる憲法7-3条による首相衆院解散権は、この陰謀の主導者自身が理論的には否定したが、わが社会で同条解散権は制度化しており、この国家的過誤を是正する効果的手段は無能な司法制度の所為で無い。ここで違憲の裁判員制度発足時に元判事が 「これは法治国ではない」 と嘆いたのを思い出す向きもあろう。（当欄、「怪16」 末尾参照）
　最高裁は、一切の （例外なく） 法律の合憲性を審査する （81条） のだから、違憲の新法施行を未然に阻止出来ない現行の付随審査でなく、いわゆる抽象的審査を、必要なら 「裁判の範疇外」 の憲法院を制定して、行なう必要がある。（左欄、宮沢 著 「憲法講話」）
　終わりに、すべての日本人が基本的人権を享受すべきであり、これは皇族も例外とせず、わが怪物の 「心配」 （左欄、宮沢 著 「憲法の原理」） や彼の守護理論家の 「飛び地」 説(左欄、長谷部 著 「憲法と平和」) は論外である。
　米国の公民権運動は人種偏見を変えてオバマ大統領を生み （左欄、オルテガ 著 「大衆の反逆」）、わが先帝は人間だと宣言したのに忠臣の復古陰謀で神権政治を変えられなかった （左欄、中村 著「日本文化」）が、彼我共に試金石は人権だった。

  http://blog.livedoor.jp/gmt3323 (千鳥ヶ淵異聞)

Mystery of Plovers Moat 29 怪談 千鳥ヶ淵 29

  In his posthumous work (See Irie's "Constitutionalization (1976)" p498, left), the very person in charge throughout of this conspiratorial process remarks Premier's House Breakup should be basing on Article 69 only, which was already suggested in the pair of textbooks (M23/last paragraph, herein) in their sneaking return to Mac original.
  Watch your steps! They mean "someday". It is almost chronic for our leaders to die hard like with such other rubbish as LDP jumping ("3 pairs of double standards," LDP Quiz end, HP), our newspaper's inconsistent editorial ("Amazement" 22/05/07, herein) or a former governor's double tongues ("M18" end herein) recently. The matter never changes until you revise Article 69 actually.
  Furthermore, the first opinion above was not even mentioned by a sole critic reviewing the great writing on the wall in a yearbook ("Book Reviews 1976" left) to evidence how mass media and all were hiding it from you, and such an worldly topic must have been irrelevant to our contitutionalist in today's newspaper (Feature "PRC") declaring from his ivory tower, "Any constitutional provision not practised now is irrelevant" (Hasebe's "Constitutional Boundaries" p16, left).

  http://homepage2.nifty.com/georgemt

　この謀略の一貫した主導者自身が、その遺著 （左欄、入江 著 「憲法成立経緯 (1976)」 498頁参照） で、解散権は将来は69条に限るべきだと宣うたが、これは、かの双璧書のGHQ案への忍び足の復帰 (当欄、「怪23」 末尾段落) を後追いしたに過ぎない。
　ご用心。彼等は 「そのうちに」 と言っているのだ。わが支配層の二枚腰は、これに劣らぬ自民党の憲法食い逃げ （フロントより 「ジミンクイズ」 末尾の三組の二重基準）、あの新聞の前後矛盾社説 （当欄、「仰天 07/05/22」）、近頃では元知事の二枚舌 （当欄、「怪18」末尾） などでも、殆ど病的である。問題は69条を元に戻すまで変らない。
　更に、冒頭の意見には、この警世の大著刊行年度の唯一の書評 （左欄、「書評年報 1976」中、「週間読書人」上） さえ言及もせず、以ってマスコミなどの隠匿姿勢が読めるが、こんな世知辛い話は、けさの新聞 （特集「PRC」）の憲法学者には意味が無いだろう。なにしろ、この東大教授には、「現に実践されていない憲法典の文面は、、意味のない存在」（左欄、長谷部 著 「憲法の境界」 16頁）なのだから。   

Mystery of Plovers Moat 28 怪談 千鳥ヶ淵 28

  The secret mission was accomplished when the House of Representatives was dissolved on December 23, 1948 under Articles 7-3 and 69, Tokyo District Court ruling it constitutional on October 19, 1953 to establish it as a precedent (See Miyazawa's "Constititution of Japan" p534, left) devastating our nation ever after.
  Can you believe the dissolution happily "put up" (Ishikawa's "Postwar Politics", left) by the parties was totally impossible either their way or our way, since Article 69 had no such power for them without the grammatical agent and neither Article 7-3 had anything for us with the nominal agent, our three major newspapers, nevertheless, applauding the farce ("Reporter's Seat" Asahi 16/11/48, left) in unison.
  Your laughter over the piece would, however, be freezing the moment you realize it was a reborn Imperialism at the sacrifice of Hiroshima and all that was again going to rule you. Was GHQ so innocent at this juncture as to know nothing about our trio's trick, by the way?
  Foreign Minister should dig here as well. I suspect our side might have forced GHQ then into agreeing to our modest British-style monarchism (Irie's "Constitutionlization" p233, left) in fear of costly unrest otherwise.
.
  http://homepage2.nifty.com/georgemt

　この秘密使命は、衆院が1948年12月23日に憲法7-3及び69条により解散、これが東京地裁で1953年10月19日に合憲となって達成され、この判例 (左欄、宮沢 著 「全訂 日本国憲法」 534頁参照) は今日まで我が国を蹂躙してきた。
　この彼我 「馴れ合い」 （左欄、石川 著 「戦後政治史」）で目出度く収めた解散が、どちらにも実は有り得ぬのは、GHQが依拠した69条は文法上の動作主を失い、他方の我が政府の7-3条は形式的な行為者だから、共に解散権とは無関係な所為だが、わが三大紙が挙って、この茶番に喝采 （左欄、朝日新聞 48/11/16 「国会記者席」） したのには呆れる。
　この狂言を笑う者も、しかし、これが広島などを犠牲に生き延びた旧天皇制の再来で、その支配が又始まったのだと気付いたら、笑いが凍り付かないか。ついでだが、この山場でGHQは我がトリオの悪企みに気付かない程、お人好しだったのだろうか。
　外務大臣は、ここも探ってみるべきだ。これは、イギリス流の君主権（左欄、入江 著 「憲法成立経緯」 233頁） くらいは認めないと反発で高くつくぞ、と我が方がGHQを脅した結果かも知れないのだ。

Mystery of Plovers Moat 27 怪談 千鳥ヶ淵 27

  Why did our jurist trio leave an active voice untranslated until submitting the draft constitution in Japanese (ST doc 41, NDL) to Cabinet on March 5, 1946, even after obtaining GHQ approval on their plan to change it in the original (40 in Japanese) into a passive in the preceding overnight discussion?
  As our person in charge in the process later revealed involuntarily in his memoir (Irie's "Constitutionalization" p233, left), it was the first step for them to pursue their secret mission against Potsdam Declaration.
  In Article 65 (69 now), there is no difference between "unless it dissolves the House (doc 40)" and "unless the House is dissolved (41) as long as "it" is so obviously Cabinet that GHQ with the former throughout agrees to our change of voice, but there is as long as "it" is not so certain that it agrees with Emperor in Article 7-3 for our trio.
  Just as our leader in the mutual discussion was cunning enough to tell his staff to so translate Mac original word for word into Japanese as to leave room for adjusting it later, they preferred to pass the verbal approval intact to Cabinet next day rather than put it down then and there in the draft so that their first step just achieved would not be thwarted by any outsider spotting their gimmick. Our Cabinet dared to commit a crime (See M21 herein) for this!  

  http://homepage2.nifty.com/georgemt

  なぜ、わが法律家トリオは、1946年3月5日に和訳憲法草案 (国立国会図書館、佐藤達夫文書41) を閣議に提出する迄、直前の徹夜討議で英文草案 (和訳: 同40) 中の一個の能動態を受動態に変更すると言う一味の計画にGHQの同意を取付けていながら、この変更を実行しなかったのだろうか。
　この現場責任者が後日に言外に洩らした （左欄、入江 著 「憲法制定の経緯」 233頁） が、これは一味がポツダム宣言に反する秘密使命を遂行する上での第一歩だったのである。
　草案65 （現69）条で、「内閣は衆院を解散しない限り （40）」 と 「衆院が解散されない限り（41）」 の間には差が無く、後者の動作主が内閣だと想定出来るのでGHQは、一貫して前者の立場から、わが方の受動態に同意したが、わがトリオには差が有り、これでは動作主が、確実には想定出来ないので、7条3項の天皇となる。
　この両者討議で我が方は翻訳者に逐語訳を指示し、後日の修正の余地を残す抜け目の無さだったが、ここでも一味はGHQの口頭同意を現場では文書にしないで翌日の閣議に持ち込み、局外者が一味の企みに気付いて確保したばかりの布石に邪魔が入るのを防いだのだ。この為に内閣は自ら刑法を犯す （当欄 「怪21」 参照） ことも厭わなかった。

Mystery of Plovers Moat 26 怪談 千鳥ヶ淵 26

  A terminal cancer is fatal, and so is your nation. A brake is broken. TOYOTA president apologizes, but nobody in our recent topics does, including a former president of Tokyo University in the newspaper (Opinion "DPJ Stalled" 5/2). In the end, it's not the end of the world for them, you see.
  Strangely they all miss a very base of their opinions, which isn't ignorable, or taken for granted, for any well-grounded arguments here. Guess what it is. No other than a series of Supreme Court precedents, which says in effect "Power to rule such a sovereign matter as Security Treaty, JSDF or Diet breakup isn't for Judicature but for Cabinet, Diet and People ultimately," to cause their stampede.
  Our Tokyo University jurist earlier set them on to take advantage of it by joking in his book, "Now, everything's possible," while its former president lately bothered to melt it radicalized by DPJ regime to its free reading of our supreme law into a partisan initiative prevalent in a broader sense, thus blurring further our doomy drama in collaboration with the newspaper veiling Conspiracies nearly cornered herein.   .    

  http://homepage2.nifty.com/georgemt

　末期癌は死に至る病であり、我等は亡国の宿命にある。ブレーキが効かないのだ。トヨタ社長は陳謝するが、こちらでは、かの紙上（2/5、Opinion 「政権失速」） での元東大総長を含め、悪びれた風も無い。彼等には結局、この世の終わりと言うわけでもない。
　奇妙にも彼等は誰一人として己が意見の根拠そのもには言及しないが、この前提は、ここでの確固たる立論には無視や当然視は論外である。あなたは、それを何だと、お考えか。外でもない、例の一連の最高裁判例で、それは 「安保、自衛隊あるいは衆院解散権のような高度の統治権問題は、司法権の埒外で、内閣、国会、究極的には主権者国民に委ねられる」 とする。これに乗じた現状の一斉暴走なのだ。
  お馴染みの東大憲法学教授は早くから 「こうなれば、何でも有りだ」 などと著書で冗談めかして連中を唆し、元東大総長は先頃の記事で、この最高裁の丸投げを民主党政権が恣意的憲法有権解釈にまで先鋭化させたのを、わざわざ広義の党派主導の趨勢に溶解、かくて本紙の煙幕作戦に協力して五里霧中の運命劇の闇を深める始末だが、それら陰謀自体は当欄で雪隠詰めが近い。

Mystery of Plovers Moat 25 怪談 千鳥ヶ淵 25

  A talk titled "Political Initiative" in a newspaper (6/1) is a sample of trivialism. There, a pair of professors, who have long been pursuing their shady business together with this newspaper, are acting again like lizards cutting their own tails to escape.
  This is another of their attempts, however, to keep our ancien regime built into our postwar society going, camouflaging the plot with whatever is possible excuse around, which happens to be Emperor's symbolic function this time.
  Contrary to the other time (See "Law Is Law" 22/5/06 herein), our familiar Tokyo University jurist from Hiroshima armors Emperor seeing a Chinese leader with Blue over his robe for such an audience.
  Naturally people are so dazzled by the armor that they can't see he is acting like our representative or head of state, and that is what all of our old boys are long after. Have you made head or tail of it now?
  Incidentally, Princess Aiko shall be an imperial heiress (Second now), and assisted, if throned in under age, by a grown-up regent coming up after her in the succession, all of them being free to ascend or abdicate in the course.
  Last but not least is our pair's "Constitutional powers not monistic but pluralistic" since they hush up a demise of our three powers separated ever after judicial precidents forborne, only to push up the daisies though.
  Now, the paper simply repeats (1/16) its shallow tricks (Opinion "Constitutionals") with another trio of jurists to paint the lily as well until you can't help realizing the pit or your prewar nightmare resurrecting (See Deus ex machina "Made-up dissolution" pp 44-46, Ishikawa's "Postwar Politics" left), which you can't miss as an original carcinoma fatten up to a galaxy of terminal focuses now with Premier's virtual dictatorship at its core surrounded by such corrupt jurists and all as mentioned just above.   

   http://homepage2.nifty.com/georgemt

　新聞 (1/6) 対談 「政治主導」 は瑣末主義の標本で、両教授は、長年に亘り本紙を舞台に一連の謀略を事としてきたが、ここでも蜥蜴の尻尾切りを演じて憚らない。
　ただ、これは我が戦前体制を戦後体制に埋め込んだのを、その侭に今後も延命させる為の当面の口実であることを見逃してはならず、その口実が今回は天皇の象徴作用と言う訳だ。
　いつか （当欄 「法は法」 06/5/22 参照） とは違って、わが顔馴染みの広島出身の東大憲法学教授は、天皇が中国首脳を謁見する際、正装の上に青糸威しを羽織らせる。
　当然にも、国民は鎧に目が眩んで、天皇が国民を代表しているかのように、言い換えれば国家元首であるかのように、振舞っているのは見えないが、それこそが、この連中の、かねてよりの思う壷であり、蜥蜴は尻尾を切って逃げたのだ。
　ついでながら、愛子内親王は皇位継承者（現在2位）であり、即位時に未成人の場合は、王に次ぐ成人継承順位者が摂政として、王を助ける立場にあるが、いづれの当事者も即位退位は自由でなければならない。
　さて、先の両教授が 「憲法は権力の一元化を想定せず、多元性を持つべきとする」 と逃げ口上を並べる、その尻尾は押えるべきで、この連中は不作為判例による一種の三権分立の崩壊を封じ込めているのだが、隠すは露るで、こと切れは瞭然ではないか。
　ところが、この新聞 （1/15) は又もや別の法律家トリオを取り持って （Opinion 「憲法解釈」）、ひたすら屋上屋を架すが、これでは却って地獄、即ち、悪夢の如き戦前体制の再臨 (左欄、石川 著 「戦後政治史」 の衝撃的転機 「馴れ合い解散」 44-46頁参照) を誰でも悟るだろう。ここに癌腫が胚胎し、それが事実上の首相独裁を核に、上述の腐敗取り巻き連が綺羅星の如き、絢爛たる現状の末期病巣群にまで肥大した経過に、我々は親しい。

Mystery of Plovers Moat 24 怪談 千鳥ヶ淵 24

  For a Chinese top, DPJ leaders only are realistic, and the others including a Tokyo University's constitutionalist in a newspapaer this morning are all absurd since Emperor is our head of state virtually, whether you like it or not, and that is the question.
  The professor says the symbolic function itself has no substance, but Article 1 says Emperor is the symbol of the state. Hence Emperor embodies the authority of Japan as his symbolic function, or our subtle figure-head of state forced on us by General MacArthur to save the then-emperor's life at stake, and it was our trio who resisted to it desperately to succeed somehow in saving our ancien regime at its cores as this, like related hereabouts.   　
  In fact, all acts of Emperor in matters of state naturally make him look like Head of State as our representative, to be eventually working that way, but as the pair of the books last-mentioned point out ("Analysis" pp65, 89 & 117; "Interpretaion" pp69, 70 & 120, left each), a symbol and a representative are different things to deny such a representativeness.
  A judge, nevertheless, made use of this fake status in delivering his wrong decision to establish a precedent for Emperor's, or Premier's, House breakup,   (Miyazawa's "Japanese Constitution" p534 left).

  http://homepage2.nifty.com/georgemt

  中国首脳の接遇に関しては、民主党指導部だけが現実に即しており、他は、けさの新聞での東京大学憲法学教授を含めて、全て馬鹿げている。天皇は事実上、わが元首である。そう国民が望むか否かに拘らず、そうだから、それが問題なのだ。
　教授は象徴作用自体には実体が無いと言うが、憲法一条により天皇は、日本国の象徴であり、その象徴作用として我が国の権威を体現しており、この曖昧な名目元首こそはマッカーサー将軍が危殆に瀕した先帝の一命を全うする為に日本に強制したもので、それに命懸けで抵抗し、曲りなりにも旧体制の核心を、この意味でも、残すのに成功したのが我が三人組であることは、詳述した通りである。
　実際、国事行為の充実で天皇は国家元首に見え、この国の代表者で結果的に通っているのだが、先に挙げた双璧書が指摘する通り (左欄、「注解」 65、89及び117頁); 「註釈」 69、70及び120頁)、象徴と代表は別なのに、この天皇の偽の代表性に裁判が解散権を託し、結局は首相解散権の前例確立とされたのだ。（左欄、宮沢 著「日本国憲法」 534頁） 

Mystery of Plovers Moat 23 怪談 千鳥ヶ淵 23

  How more reasonably, then, can their a-priori breakup power as a supreme order for them to achieve be secured, since one of them speaks it out alright (See Irie's "Constitutionarization" left)?
  Under Article 7-3, their apriorism is, as some other conservatives also seem to claim (Tawara's "Off the Record" left), not only literally but also legally right as long as it is read as a latter or particular law after its former or general one as Article 3 or 4.
  According to a manual (Hasegawa's "Statute Exposition" left), the power thus endorced by a distant Roman law reading shall, however, get on with the taboo government and all next-door,
and both the two most-detailed critiques (Law Association's "Analysis Notes" & Higuchi's "Interpretation Notes" left) deny our trio's chop logic "negative and breakup (Irie's above)".
  The two books call, nevertheless, Premier's breakup in arbitrarily under the pretext of parliamentarism for the former (p170 )or changed expectation of it as a plus for the latter (p124), pretending to see nothing of our trio's trap to let Administration so dominate routinely other two powers as to turn the separation sysyem to a virtual premier's dictatorship, or in short, participating in our trio's secret to go out for wool (Bygone haunting) and come home shorn (Power spooking) after failing our trio's arsonist (Art. 69 tampering)-fireman (Art.7-3 abusing) action.

  http://homepage2.nifty.com/georgemt

　これら発言は、解散権が前提なのは、その確保が至上命令の所為だが、この頭ごなしの遣り方には理屈が他に有り、それは本人が明け透けに暴露 (左欄、入江 著 「憲法制定の経緯」 参照) する通りである。
　憲法7条3項では、彼等の天皇権能説が、文理上のみか法理上も3又は4条に対する後法又は特別法としては、他の保守派も示唆する通り （左欄、田原 編 「オフレコ」）、正しい。
　このようにローマ法由来の法諺に裏付けられた権能も、しかし、先程挙げた政治禁忌等の条規と折合う要ありと、案内書 （左欄、長谷川 著 「法令解釈の基礎」）は説き、だからこそ、詳細を極める点で双璧をなす概説書 （左欄、法学協会 編 「注解 日本国憲法」 及び樋口 編 「註釈 日本国憲法 」） も共に我が三人組の 「受身形で解散権 （上記、入江書）」 の屁理屈を否定する。
　両書は、それにも拘らず、「注解」 は議院内閣制を口実に (p170)、これに 「註釈」 は期待の変化を加味して (p124)、共に首相解散権を勝手に呼込み、かくて行政による立法・司法の支配で三権分立を事実上の首相独裁に転じる三人組の謀略の慣行化には気付かぬ振りをし、早く言えば、わが三人組の秘略に荷担、そのマッチ (69条改竄) ポンプ (7-3条悪用) のミイラ (旧権怨霊) を引取り、自らがミイラ (権力亡者) となった次第。

Mystery of Plovers Moat 22 怪談 千鳥ヶ淵 22

  In his newspaper column left, our constitutionalist is right to say Breakup and Honors are equally Emperor's but can be wrong to treat any different two equally because of resulting one in spite of the other. So, this is his bad excuse, of course, to establish, under such random diversions, their saved despotism last-mentioned as a precedent.
  As the former governor implies, Emperor's matters of state have nothing to do with powers related to government so that any of such matters shall be a mere formality or ceremony, to confine Cabinet' advice and approval also to them for such in spite of our jurist's claim otherwise seen first in his work left.
  It is extremely unjustifiable, he also maintains, to find such Cabinet actions provided for in the law merely formal or ceremonious. Why doesn't he, then, find Emperor as Symbol of our unity unjustifiable? Article 1 is the zenith of formality or ceremony.
  Thus, either of our monster's points reveals he uses what he is trying to prove in proving it just as Legislative Bureau does for the very Emperor's Diet-beakup in its statement seen next to the column above, mysteriouly to lead, nevertheless, our three major newspapers including one in question now to a tremendously ill report seen finally left before the first breakup (23/11/48) under our new charter.

  http://homepage2.nifty.com/georgemt

  左欄の新聞投稿で、わが憲法学者が解散と栄典を等しく天皇の国事行為としたのは正しいが、異なる二者への等しい対応は、一者は兎も角、他者では誤り得るから、これは下手な逃げ口上で、勿論、前述の温存専制条規を先例として確立する為の、見境も無い牽制なのだ。　
　あの前知事が示唆した通り、天皇の国事行為は国政に関しないから、内閣の助言と承認も単なる形式・礼式に関するに止どまり、この法学者の左欄著作冒頭の反論こそが全く理由を欠く。
　又、憲法が明文で要求する内閣の助言等を単なる儀礼的・形式的行為と見るのは、あまりに条理に反すると、彼は主張する。では、なぜ国民統合の象徴、天皇が条理に反すると、彼は言わないのだろう。憲法第一条は儀礼・形式の極致である。
　かくて、わが怪物の両論点が論証すべきことを、その論証に使い、これに次ぐ記事では、法制局も当の天皇衆院解散権を巡り同様の循環論法に陥っているのに、本紙を含む三大紙は、最後の記事のように、奇怪にも大誤報に誘い込まれたのだ。新憲法下で初の衆院解散 （48/11/23） の直前のことである。　

Mystery of Plovers Moat 21 怪談 千鳥ヶ淵 21

  You can catch our monster jurist and all red-handed in the column left.
  Mind, however, his pitfall for you even in his very opening paragraphs.
  With his style of English parliamentarism, the balance between the two powers merely means a set of tit for tat to fall together in a deadlock at Diet: what he keeps from us here is a terror as if walking a tightrope daily we suffer together with our lawmakers from the premier's arbitrary power threatening to come down at any moment, you see.
  His example of awarding honors is his excuse for his crime since he must have masterminded it or joined in it at this moment.
  That is to say, a pair of new constitution gists was submitted (5/3/46), one (Satoh Document 41, NDL) to Cabinet, and its English version to GHQ, both having the same Article 65 (69 now) for the cabinet power linked to its confidential status as in Mac original (Article 57), while both authorities approved and published theirs next day, now Cabinet having the provision in question (SD 46, NDL) without the link said, and GHQ with it intact (SCAP's Hussey Doc 26).
  In other words, Cabinet forged the diplomatic document in violation of Criminal Code 155 (Forgery of official documents) so that the power missing can find itself as an Emperor's matter of state, as planned from scratch by our trio (See Irie's "Constitutionalization" left, slso to note a critical time lag).         

  http://homepage2.nifty.com/georgemt

  わが怪物法学者一味は右欄の現場で取り押えることが出来る。
　のっけから、彼の主張には落とし穴が仕掛けてあるから、ご用心。　
　彼の言う英国流議院内閣制では、両権力間の均衡とは、国会の行詰りが相打ち共倒れに終わるに過ぎず、ここで法学者が伏せたのは、この首相専決権が何時わが国会選良を始め国民全体に振り下ろされるかも知れない、綱渡りの恐怖である。
　挙げられた栄典授与の例は、自身の犯罪の逃げ口上であり、この犯行は彼こそが蔭から操ったに違いないが、そうでなくても、この口上の瞬間に、この事件に加わったのだ。
　即ち、新憲法要綱案が、1通 （国会図書館所蔵 「佐藤達夫文書41」）は内閣に、他は前者を英文にしてGHQに、提出され (46/3/5)、 両本共に衆院解散権を内閣信任状態に関連付けた第65 (現69) 条は、マ原案 (57条) 通りで、共通だったにも拘らず、翌日までに両当局が承認し発表した要綱は、内閣の （同上46） は上記の関連付けを廃し、GHQは元の侭 (同「SCAPハッシー文書26」) だった。
　言い換えれば、内閣は閣議で外交文書を変造して公文書偽造の罪 （刑法155条） を犯し、これにより、わが法律家トリオが当初から目論んだ (左欄、入江敏郎 「憲法成立の経緯」 233頁記事参照。重大な時間的齟齬にも注目) 通り、衆院解散権は天皇の国事行為に関連付ける外無くなったのである。

Mystery of Plovers Moat 20 怪談 千鳥ヶ淵 20

  Adieu, our rule of law
  Bonjour, a kangaroo court
 
  With a sigh of relief, law-abusing ruling parties, who have just won law-abiding people over to their unconstitutional side in the trial, are to conclude their longtime conspiracy.
  LDP draft (28/10/05) says that House breakup under Article 69 "or else" is to "be decided" by "Premier" (article 54), and this is it. No argument any more, it's been so somehow though. Why so, then? Anything wrong if the power is ever limited? Yes for our desperate trio, if not for servile lawmakers, you see.   
  Even a junior high school boy can see that the trio's trick of the original English active changed into the passive in its Japanese version only as sketched left by its leader himself can also be a key to tracing it all for correction, but the new article by LDP never fails to leave alone our existing imperial prerogative in amending its way for the worse.

  http://homepage2.nifty.com/georgemt   

　法治よ、さようなら
　人民裁判よ、こんにちは

  無法常習の支配層は、この裁判で遵法一途な国民を違憲仲間に引 き入れたので、安堵の溜息を吐きながら、彼等の長年の陰謀の仕上げに取り掛かろうとしている。
　自民新憲法案 (05/10/28) では、六十九条 「その他の場合」 の衆議院の解散は、「首相」 が 「決定」 する (54条) と言う次第なのだ。もう、問答無用なのだ、なぜか今迄も、そうだったが。でも、何故そうなのか、お分かりか。解散権とは僅かの制限もいけないものか。そう、これに命を賭けた我が三人組には。奴隷根性の代議士には、そうでもなかろうが。
　左欄で、その三人組の頭目自身が略述する通り、原英文の能動態を和訳文側だけで受動態に変えた彼等のトリックが、事の全体を辿って是正する鍵でもあるとは、中学生にも解ける道理だが、そうはしないで、上述の改悪条規を旧に被せるのが自民党流で、これでは帝国天皇大権は温存される。

Mystery of Plovers Moat 19 怪談 千鳥ヶ淵 19

  In the end, the former Tottori governor didn't fail to follow his fellow brass in crying wine to sell vinegar, while our god earlier prefered ignoring the breakup system itself to forcing it somewhere else in his vain effort to keep the balance of powers in the law.
  Where might is master, justice is servant, but even a thief has his reason, and our trio did have theirs (See T.Irie's "Constitutionalization" left) when they published Article 69 (65/Gist) in Japanese with such a framework as "the Cabinet shall,,, resign en masse, unless the House of Representatives is dissolved within ten days."(March 6, 1946) instead of its English version (Art. LXV) for Mac (See M. Ishikawa's "Postwar Politics" left) with "the Cabinet shall resign en masse, unless it dissolves the House of Representatives within ten days."(Article LXV, Draft C/J, p2, Nippon Times, March 8, 1946)

  http://homepage2.nifty.com/georgemt

　結局は前鳥取県知事が同輩お歴々に伍して羊頭を掲げて狗肉を売るのに対し、とっくに我が憲政神は解散権を、無理やり他所に見付けるより、無視したが、憲法の三権分立は守れなかった。
　無理が通れば道理は引っ込むが、泥棒にも三分の理ありで、わが三人組は、確信するところ (左欄で入江敏郎著 「憲法成立の経緯」 参照) 有って、要綱65 (現69) 条を 「内閣は、、十日以内に衆議院の解散なき限り総辞職を為すことを要すること」 として発表 （1946/3/6） し、その英語版 （1946/3/8: ニッポンタイムズ：2頁：日憲案LXV条） は 「内閣は、10日以内に内閣が衆議院を解散しない限り、総辞職しなければならない」 としたが、こちらをマックは真に受けたのだ (左欄、石川真澄著 「戦後政治史」 参照)。

Mystery of Plovers Moat 18 怪談 千鳥ヶ淵 18

  The jurist's democracy summarised left is so immaculate as to leave no room for any compromise, let alone British monarch's prerogative to break up her own lower house, which was, nevertheless, copied after in our supreme law in its gist (6/3/1946) making by our persons in charge led by himself, as evidenced around so far.
  People's sovereignty shall be given up to nobody save that it can be authorized to our representatives, and accordingly Emperor's 10 acts in matters of state including his Diet breakup under Article 7 are all ultra vires if they are Emperor's own powers as the jurist maintains.
  Where is the very agent thus authorized in the law? Nowhere because our trio led by this jurist erased it beforehand! It was Cabinet's in Mac draft.
  Assuming ignorance of this trick, the jurist argues the power provided for in the law shall find its agent, to mislead us to Article 7-3 for it now arbitrary for Premier.
  With this crooked way taking place half a century ago, a constitution god remarked in his Diet that the Japanese got mad since nobody but lawmakers elected by the people shall break up their own house. C'est vrai!
(Disbelievers shall see what a former Tottori governor says in Bunshun's June edition on pp95-6, to find how he is different from our god.)　　

　この法学者の民主主義は、左欄要約の通り完璧で、妥協の余地を残さず、英国王室の下院解散特権などは論外であるのに、日本国憲法は、これを踏襲しており、それを敢行したのが、この法学者自身が率いた 「要綱 (1946/3/6)」 作成者であることは本欄が証明してきた。
　わが国民主権は、国民代表に授権する場合を除いて、他に移し得ず、憲法七条下の天皇の衆院解散を含む国事行為は、この法学者が主張するように天皇固有の権能なら、全て越権である。
　では、どこで憲法は解散権者を規定しているか。その規定は無い。無い筈だ、この法学者以下の例の三人組が解散者は消しておいたのだから。解散者はマ草案では内閣であった。
　自らの奸計を素知らぬふりで、この法学者は、憲法が明文で認めた解散は七条三項の天皇権能だとし、その首相裁量へと国家を迷い込ませたのである。
　この邪道が半世紀前に罷り通るのを、憲政の神様の異名を取った議員が衆院で日本国民は発狂したと嘆じ、選良議員の意思に反する解散は許されないと断じた。その通りではないか。
(不審の向きは、文芸春秋6月号95-6頁で前鳥取県知事の発言を参照し、わが神と前知事の異同に注目)

Mystery of Plovers Moat 17 怪談 千鳥ヶ淵 17

  With his nothing-anew conclusion seen left after a great man of letter, the polemic writer who once ruled the time has gone, leaving us all in the hands of the rulers much craftier than Hitler and all, in that the new jury system starting today is a coup de grace to our postwar democracy.
  After all, the old jurist neglects his own forces in his teachings, and accordingly the old officer never looks his new ones (as so far exposed here around only) at his feet.
  Incidentally, Nazi's clincher for its plenary power under Enabling Act was, like under our Constitution misread, its arbitrary Diet breakup, while ours already in one under Premiership is now to be backed up by our people's courts.
  That is to say, when the sky falls we shall catch the lark, forgetting devine wind and forgiving evil wind to be sooner killed painlessly side by side our supreme law.
  Sober throughout was the late Emperor only, I should say.
  By the way, Mr. Kim, our neighbor Defense Council Chairman, who is as charming as our late boss, doesn't lead so favorite a country for us.
  Japan was, however, a cult country like his too, and even now?

  http://homepage2.nifty.com/georgemt   

　左欄で鴎外流の元の木阿弥説を唱えて、世を風靡した論客は去り、われ等はヒトラー連も顔負けの狡猾な支配者の手に落ちたまま、まさに始まった裁判員制が、戦後民主主義に止どめを刺す。
　結局、老法学者は遺訓で旧軍を無視し、従って旧軍士官は足下の新手の強権者 （唯一、当欄が告発） に気付かない。
　因みに、授権法によるナチの全権掌握の決め手は、わが歪曲憲法下と同様、無制限の議会解散権だったが、わが三権も既に首相に集中し、その独裁を今回の国民参審が後押しする。
　これでは百年河清を待つ間に、国民は、神風は忘れ去り、邪風も軽んじ、早晩、憲法と枕を並べて極楽往生しよう。
　終始、正気なのは先帝だけだった訳だ。
　ところで、お隣りの金国防委員長は先帝に劣らずチャーミングなのに、あの国は、そう誰も好きになれまい。
　わが国も、実は、似たようなカルト国家だったのだが、今は、どうか。

Mystery of Plovers Moat 16 怪談 千鳥ヶ淵 16

  My use of egoism (See my Answer to Question 3, Constitution Quiz via Portal) to encourage my fellow people in our efforts to recover our own fundamental rights in Constitution (Article 12) is now academically backed up as in the column left, whose conclusion will, in turn, be true only by such efforts so successful that the altruistic rights existing have been changed back into the individualistic originals.
  With the new jury system coming soon into force, our campaign must be so exposing such a jury's inhumn duty to keep the secret for good as an unconstitutional offence the column saying at its end, in sympathy with a Zen-monk author so indignant at the system in a recent popular monthly, that even such courts will no longer dare be on the strength of the rights in question here.
  In the end, "the whole judicial power is vested in a Supreme Court and in such inferior courts as are established by law (Aticle 76)", and not in the people, who shall, if ever to be in such courts, be so stipulated in some provisions relevant from scratch as are the cases with other power branches, namely, those for chiefs in the administrative and law makers in the legislative.
  As a habitual constitutional offender, our Establishment may as well be hanged for a sheep as for a lamb, I guess.   

      
  See bellow for more:
 
  http://homepage2.nifty.com/georgemt

　　
　憲法 (12条) の人権の回復に利己心の活用を同胞に勧めた （フロント経由、憲法クイズ、問3答案参照） 当方の立場を、左欄は現に倫理学的に基礎づけているが、人権違反を違憲とする、その結論は、お返しに、わが努力が実って現行の利他的人権が元々の個人主義的なものに訂正し直されて初めて真となろう。
　新陪審制度が間もなく発足するが、我々の運動が、この制度を先だって人気月刊誌で慨嘆していた禅僧作家と共に、裁判員の生涯守秘義務は左欄結論通りの非人間的な違憲と暴露するのに対して、さすがの司法も問題の人権を盾には向き合えまい。
　そもそも、「すべて司法権は、最高裁判所及び法律の定めるところにより設置する下級裁判所に属する （憲法76条）」 のであり、国民に属するのではない。国民が裁判所に属するには、三権の他翼、即ち、行政権上や立法権上の首長や議員に関してと同様に、憲法で予め規定しておく必要がある。
　なにしろ違憲常習犯であるから、わが支配層には、万事が毒を食らわば皿迄なのだ。

　詳細は上記URL参照。

Mystery of Plovers Moat 15 怪談 千鳥ヶ淵 15

  We are yet to know if the fire destroyed Yoshida Palace yesterday was part of our greatest conspiracy ever we have been after for nearly a decade now.
  By the way, like WBC Samurai Japan, I 've just cleared my 75-year past, and why doesn't our Fake Imperialism Japan also get rid of its conduct out of rule ever since its former and real one left League of Nations in March, 1933, by giving its tricks up altogether?
  Then, we can forget your conspiratorial records now reduced, by chance, to ashes inside a wall or else in the fire first-mentioned.

  See URL below for further details:

  http://homepage2.nifty.com/georgemt


  昨日、吉田御殿を灰にした火事が、当欄等で追及して既に十年近い、わが国未曾有の大陰謀の一環であるかどうかは、未だ明らかでない。
　ところで、WBCサムライジャパンと共に、当方も七十五年を過去と流せたばかりだが、この際、わが隠れ天皇制日本も正体を明かして、その前身の本物の方が一九三三年三月に国際連盟を脱退して以来の反動路線を清算しては、どうだろう。
　そうすれば、今回の火事で壁の中か何処かで恐らく煙と失せた陰謀秘録も、問題ではない。

　詳細は上記URL参照。

Mystery of Plovers Moat 14 怪談 千鳥ヶ淵 14

  As in Column left, some hisotrians saw Emperor ignore Constitution, but not many Japanese can blame him for it. Even children can see JSDF is unconstitutional, you see.
  How about Premier's Diet breakup, then, which is badly demanded recently by the opposition as well as mass media, there is no such power provided in the charter though? It can't be there since our officials erased, as they stated publicly later (See "Constitutionalization Detailed" by T.Irie left), this limited power in the Mac draft for keeping covertly the-then unlimited imperial power concerned in concert with Establishment at large.
  Even Judicature is now trying to pull the sovereign people into such abuses of our supreme law by inviting them to a new but obviously unconstitutional jury system (Article 76) for unity kills anxiety.
  To err is human, Your Majesty!　 

  See URL bellow for the background of this:

 
  左欄にあるように、歴史家は天皇が憲法を無視したと見たが、この違憲行為を非難出来る日本人は多くはない。なにしろ、自衛隊が違憲なのは子供でも判ることだ。
　又、近頃は首相に衆院を解散しろと、野党やマスコミが五月蝿いが、そんな解散権は憲法の何処にも規定が無いではないか。これは在る訳が無いのであって、このマ案の制限付き権限は消去したと当の官僚たちが後に公言する通り (左欄の入江敏郎著 「憲法成立の経緯」 参照)、支配層は総掛かりで当時の無制限な天皇衆院解散権を新憲法に埋め込んだのだ。
　目下は、司法までが、皆で渡れば怖くないので、主権者国民を新手の陪審制度に引き入れて最高法規濫用の仲間にしようと躍起だが、勿論、この制度も違憲である （憲法76条）。
　先帝も、人の子だった。　
　

　この記事の背景は下記URL参照。　

Mystery of Plovers Moat 13 怪談 千鳥ヶ淵 13

  With his "strong premiership" column in a newspaer this morning, a Tokyo University professor is misleading us to a happy end of a national conspiracy.
  Ever since Article 69 so tampered with in its gist (6/3/46) as to keep the heart of the old imperial power in Article 7-3, our charter has been giving us too strong a premiership, for Three powers separated, which is actually Emperor's for his Diet breaking. An autocrat only can at will dismiss our representatives entrusted with our power for four years.
  During this term, neither DP-led House of Councilors nor LDP Premier so alternating shall, properly speaking, call for a dissolution of House of Representatives under our Constitution. Never trespass after seeking shelter under the eaves!　
  In the way, this professor of politics also touches up the gigantic fraud from its commanding tower for mass media ever after "Put-up dissolution (23/12/48)", to complete it as Premier's outright this time as in LDP draft (1/8/05).

  See "Postwar political history" by Masumi Ishikawa in the left column for
  "Put-up dissolution". 

  See URL bellow for the background of this article:

  http://homepage2.nifty.com/georgemt

　  今朝刊紙のコラム 「強い首相」 論で、東大教授が、国家的陰謀の大団円に国民が立ち合うよう、目論んでいる。
  わが憲法は、その要綱 (46/3/6) で六十九条を歪曲して旧天皇制の核心を七条三項に温存して以来、首相の、実は天皇の、衆院解散権は、三権分立としては、強過ぎるものとなった。国権を四年に亘り信託された選良を何時でも一斉に追放出来るのは、専制者である。
　この任期中は、民主党が牛耳る参院や自民党の盥回し政権が衆院解散を計るのは、本来、違憲なのだ。庇を借りて、母屋を取るな。
　かくて、政治学教授も、この巨大詐欺に、その 「馴れ合い解散」（48/12/23） 以来のマスコミ司令塔に拠って一役買い、今回は公然たる首相の解散権が自民案 (05/8/1) 通りに成就する日が来る。

　「馴れ合い解散」 に就いては、左欄の石川真澄 著 「戦後政治史」 参照。
　

　この記事の背景は、上記URL参照。

Mystery of Plovers Moat 12 怪談 千鳥ヶ淵 12

  As in the column left, our people's sovereignty is still disputable due to the old imperial system smuggled into our Constitution as seen so far.
  We must, therefore, redefine the power so clearly that there will be no further disputes on it. Do we have anything more urgent than this?
  A reasonable approach to it should be to go back to Mac original with Articles 11 (Mac's 9), 12 (11) and 69 (57) at their points, thus paying our belated respects to the general's good intentions.
  In fact, LDP new draft (1/8/05) does so, only to replace such tracks themselves with somethings worse after its long runaway off them, for human right or Diet breakup.
  What do you say?

  See bellow for the background of this approach:

  http://homepage2.nifty.com/georgemt

　左欄では、憲法の主権在民が議論になっているが、この疑惑が憲法に密輸入された旧国体に起因することは、これまで見てきた通りである。
　従って、主権の所在を明確に定義し、議論の余地を無くす必要があるが、これ以上に喫緊の課題が我々にあるだろうか。
　その際の手法としては、マ案の趣意へ11 (マ案4)、12 (11) 及び69 (57) 条で復帰するのが妥当で、これで遅まきながら将軍の善意に敬意を表することも出来る。
　実際、自民党の新憲法草案 (05/8/1) は、これら軌道に人権や衆院解散で舞い戻ってはいるのだが、これは、長年の脱線暴走の揚句、これら軌道そのものを、もっと悪質なものと取り換える為だったようだ。
　どうしたものだろう、これは。

　この問題の背景は、下記参照。

  http://homepage2.nifty.com/georgemt

Mystery of Plovers Moat 11 怪談 千鳥ヶ淵 11

  With the impossible GHQ draft in hand to swallow, it was an absolute must for our loyal trio to insinuate the old imperial system into the gist of it in Japanese (6/3/46), which was accomplished by them teamed up on the occasion of the abortive Matsumoto B draft.
  That is to say, the jurist trio erased the Diet-breaking Cabinet in Article 69 (57 in Mac's) as the agent of the passive voice they changed the second half of the original active into, for thus necessarily finding the breaker as Emperor in Article 7-3. Combining this with so modified Article 12 as to afford conscription, Emperor's basic power in Ancien Regime was secured in the gist, to be sooner rubber-stamped by the general himself.
  Nobody has seemingly noticed the astounding conspiracy enough to be labeled as a world wonder, but has such a national stupor been really possible?
  No, not really. Our big ones feign ignorance, you see.

  See bellow for LDP Quiz 1& 2 with Articles 12 & 69 under work:

  http://homepage2.nifty.com/georgemt

　無理なGHQ草案を飲み込む際、わが忠臣三人組には政府草案要綱 (46/3/6) に旧国体を忍び込ませることが至上命令となったが、これを成し遂げた彼等は松本乙案失敗の雪辱を果たした訳だ。
　即ち、この法律家三人組は、69条 (マ案57条) 英文能動態後半を受動態に変えて、その動作主、即ち衆院解散権者たる内閣を消去、この権限を7条3項の天皇に依る外なくした上で、徴兵を可能にするように歪曲しておいた12条を加え、旧国体の天皇大権の実質を要綱に確保したが、これにマ元帥は大急ぎで盲判を押したのだ。
　この驚天動地の陰謀は、これまで誰も気付かず、白昼の怪談と成り了せているかに見えるが、こんな一億総恍惚が実際に起こっているのだろうか。いや、それこそは有り得ぬ話で、わが大物連中が、とぼけの名人なのだ。

　　改竄経緯は、上記URL経由でジミンクイズ1及び2参照。

Mystery of Plovers Moat 10 怪談 千鳥ヶ淵 10

  Until culminating in his "Divine Cohabitation" left, the most popular postwar constitutionalist's grand design had, ever since his loud "August Revolution" theory, been to sew the fox's skin to the lion's for pulling your leg, and pretty successfully at that because of the chaos at that time when both the traitorous and the betrayed in the scenes had keen reasons to prefer the material to the nominal while either side could have been in the other's only a bit earlier, you see.   
  As so far seen, his incongruousness like this was, however, originated in his leadership in so falsifying our supreme law in the making that our old imperial system would be kept in the law, provided the Occupying Allied could be outwitted, which was eventually the case, incredulous though.
  Funnier thing is that we have so long been in his "cohabitation" or virtual daydreams, sitting on this faked state code or rusty time bomb thus subtly basing on an ancient mythology with Emperor as God but looking like a modern one with people as gods as he put it, and it is natural enough for us, who must share own DNA with such elders whose mentality included Emperor in his people, to be in so ruleless a me-tooism in regarding ourselves as gods.
  Well, a white lie is sometimes expedient, but isn't even such a lot of our fox's slick lies a bit too much now?
  (See bellow for this in Japanese, and the following for others)

    http://homepage2.nifty.com/georgemt

　「神々の共存」 （下記URL左欄参照） で締め括るまで、この戦後に高名だった憲法学者の大風呂敷は、派手な 「八月革命」 説以来、木に竹を接ぎ、これで我々を担ぐためだったが、これが、結構、巧く行ったのは、混乱の戦後では、裏切った側も裏切られた側も、名を捨て実を取る切実な事情があり、なにより先頃までは互いの立場が逆であり得たからだ。
　見てきた通り、このような彼の奇妙な言動は、しかし、彼が主導した制憲時の条規改竄に起因しており、これは何とか占領連合国を 出し抜いて、旧国体を新憲法に温存する為だったが、信じ難いことに、これが成功した。
　もっと可笑しいのは、この偽の国是と言う錆び付いた時限爆弾が、天皇を神とする古代神話を潜ませながら、国民を神々とする近代神話に化け、その上で胡座をかく我々を長年に亘り、「共存」 ならぬ事実上の白日夢に陥らせていることだが、わが長老たちの心性が天皇を国民に含めるなら、その遺伝子を継ぐ我々が自身を神々と見なすのも、至極に当り前な無原則的、ご都合主義ではある。
　さて、嘘も方便だが、これ程の古狸の甘言も、今や少し程を越えてはいないか。   

Mystery of Plovers Moat 9 怪談 千鳥ヶ淵 9

  Transpersonal psychology (See Column left) sounds interesting, but under our Constitution or "Imperialism in Disguise" as evidenced so far around, it must be built on the sand, its critical targets misssing our ancien regime still kept alive by stealth in the supreme law.
  A Zen pupil shall watch his own steps.

  http://blog.livedoor.jp/gmt3323

　トランスパーソナル心理学 (下記URLの左欄参照) は興味深いが、現憲法下で、言い換えれば、これ迄に本欄で証明した、この 「隠れ天皇制」下で、当心理学は、その批判が密かに最高法規中に温存された旧国体に及ばぬ限り、砂上の楼閣でしかない。
　禅徒は脚下を照顧すべし。

 

Mystery of Plovers Moat 8 怪談 千鳥ヶ淵 8

  They are examining the patricidal girl's sanity.
  Are we, however, sane enough for that business when we have neglected our own matter of life or death as a nation?
　Article 9's Ashida phrase as the source of our right of self-defense was found groundless (See Column "1945" left) a few years back, but nobody has bothered to redress this constitutional defect accordingly, leaving no pro-JSDF connotation behind around here.
   Isn't this crazy?   

   http://blog.livedoor.jp/gmt3323

　当局は父殺しの少女の精神鑑定に入った。
　しかし、国民全体の生死に関わる問題を無視してきた我々でも、この作業に相応しく正気なのだろうか。
　自衛権の根拠とされた九条の芦田条項が数年前に無根拠だと判った （下記URL左欄 「昭和二十年」 参照）が、この憲法の唐突な欠陥を誰も埋めようともしないので、憲法九条は自衛隊合憲の根拠を失った侭だ。
　これこそ、沙汰の限りではないか。

Mystery of Plovers Moat 7 怪談 千鳥ヶ淵 7

  In a newspaper's evening edition the day before yesterday, an associate professor of Tokyo University produced a brain pathological evidence to prove "I" fictitious.
  Thus, our "self" is finally found materially originated in the brain conjuring it up as widely expected, and our "rootlessness" like this must be at the root of sinister incidents seen everywhere like the case of a half asleep girl fatally stabbing her own father.
  Some solipsistic objection aside, our "self" even with such a deep in it can now be spiritual not innately but only a posteriori. This is a small step forward for science, but a great leap for mankind standing now on their own feet, or head and hands for that matter, starting my own story from here as well.

  http://homepage2.nifty.com/georgemt

  http://homepage2.nifty/georgemt

　昨夕刊紙で東大准教授は 「わたし」 が虚構である脳病理学的証拠を紹介した。
　これで 「自己」 は脳が、大方の予想通り、物質的にデッチ上げたものと確定したが、この自我の根の無さこそが頻発する凶悪事件の根にあり、寝呆けた娘が己が父を刺したのも、その一例に過ぎない。
　独我論からの異議は脇に置くとして、このような深い闇を湛えてはいても、いまや自我の霊性は生得的ではなく、取得的となったのだ。これは、科学にとっては僅かの進歩だが、これで足で立つのに頭と手を使う人類にとっては、飛躍的進化であり、わが物語も、ここから始まる。

Mystery of Plovers Moat 6 怪談 千鳥ヶ淵 6

  Around eight this morning, I saw you back home for the first time since your petty crime took place here a few weeks ago.
  "Hey, you. Wait a minute!" I adressed you, who faced about, picking up something dropped from your plastic bag in your right hand, to look me up a step or two behind you after you hurridly passed me by on the narrow path by the bicycle shed nearby.
  We played tag for a few minutes until you finally ran away at full speed after your several turns around the street blocks.
  How do you think you can escape from the police after you suspected of the vandalism on the properties belonging to our landlord firm as well as me?

　けさ八時頃、君が帰宅しているのを見かけたが、やっと君は二、三週間前の君の犯行現場へ舞い戻った。
　「おい。君、ちょっと」。近くの自転車置き場の脇の狭い路地で急に私の前に抜けた君は、右手にしたビニール袋から落とした物を拾い上げながら、一歩かそこらの所から向き直って私を見上げてから、更に足早に去ろうとしたが、とっさに私は君の背後から声をかけたのだった。
　鬼ごっこになったが、街角を何回か曲がった後で君は韋駄天走りになり、逃げ去った。
　我々の家主会社と私自身の財物への君の蛮行は警察沙汰になっているのに、どう逃げ切るつもりやら。

Mystery of Plovers Moat 5 怪談 千鳥ヶ淵 5

  As soon as we abruptly eyed each other around noon five days back,  I slid my kitchen window wide open violently to dart my glare down on you a few meters away, and you caught it of course but kept walking down the alley, quietly avering your upward glance at me as if nothing had happened.
  Your prepared reaction like that was another indirect evidence of your crime in that your noncommittal pose there must have come direct from your acute intention of hiding your stealthy hanging around to see if your crime had already been brought to light, as a far cry to a shocked reaction from any innocent person puzzled with my anger.

    http://homepage2.nifty.com/georgemt

　今日の真昼、ふと目が合ったので台所窓を荒々しく引き開けて睨み付けると、あなたは数メートル先から見上げていた目を冷静に引き戻して何事も無かったかのように路地を去ったが、こんな計画的対応は、当の犯罪に傍証を加えたに過ぎない。それと言うのも、あなたの当たり触りの無い態度は、辺りをうろついては、自分の犯罪が本当にバレたのか、確かめていたのを何とか隠そうとする意図から出たもので、こちらの怒りに当惑する無関係な人が衝撃を受けている有様からは程遠いからである。

　

Mystery of Plovers Moat 4 怪談 千鳥ヶ淵 4

  I've got you, my dear offender. I guessed who you were alright when I was preparing my lunch after seeing the police and all in front of my apartment house this late morning, I mean.

  By the way, my dear readers, Premier Fukuda is doing it fine, don't you think? Above all, I like his cool attitude in dealing with things like his
national health system so discriminatory as to send a chill down my back.
  Just now I was having a cafe au lait with my other afternoon refreshment when he was, on TV, offering a white chrysanthemum or something of that sort to the newly-deified ashes of unknown WW II victims coming now up to three hundred and fifty thousand at the National Chidorigabuchi War Victims Cemetery.
  He looked just the right man in the right place there with his style as cool as a drooping cucumber or a zombi.
  Momentarily, Mr. Masuzoe was, as the minister in charge of the occasion, also revealing something of his personality of a premier's caliber, but his view of things is questionable ever since his shout on a midnight TV show that the late emperor doesn't bear the blame for our last war because of the imperial assistant provision in the old constitution.

　犯人よ、見当は付いた。けさ遅く、警察や、なんかの人々に住棟前で会った後、昼食を準備していたら、あなたに思い当たった訳だ。

　ところで、諸君、首相の福田さんは、よくやっているのではないか。なにより、クールな姿勢が好ましく、氏の保健制度の差別化などは寒気がする程である。さっきも、お八つをインスタントコーヒーで頂いていたら、テレビで千鳥ヶ淵戦没者墓苑の三十五万余に達した無名の合祀遺骨に白菊か何かを供えていた。そのゾンビ振りは萎びた胡瓜宜しく、まさに所を得た感あり。
　この祭事の担当相の舛添さんも首相級の顔を見せる瞬間があるが、その大局観に問題があると言うのは、いつかテレビの深夜番組で旧憲法の輔弼規定により昭和天皇には戦争責任は無いと叫んでいたからだ。

Mystery of Plovers Moat 3 怪談 千鳥ヶ淵 3

  After the haiku appeared in a newspaper this morning,
      

          Moat's missing,
              Petals rafting
                  As if
                     Plovers floating
    

                               George
                     

　けさの新聞の句に寄せて、

　　     淵を無み
　　　　 　   千鳥浮くかや　
　　　　　　　　　　　      花筏　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　

                      　　　　     　丈自

Mystery of Chidorigabuchi 2

  In this morning's newspaper column, the presiding judge finding (7/9/73) JSDF unconstitutional in the Naganuma Nike base case at the Sapporo district court virtually says Japan isn't a law-governed country, to tell you an awful mystery going on before you.

　けさの新聞のコラムで、長沼ナイキ基地訴訟に自衛隊違憲判決を下した (73/9/7) 札幌地裁の裁判長が、日本は法治国家ではないと言う意味のことを吐露したが、これは眼前の恐るべき怪談である。

　         http://homepage2.nifty.com/georgemt

Mystery of Plovers Moat 1 怪談 千鳥ヶ淵 1

  Fact or act, its reality is between your skin and its lining flesh.

              Chikamatsu Monzaemon

　　http://homepage2.nifty.com/georgemt

　芸といふものは実と虚との皮膜の間にあるもの也　　

　　　　　　　　　　　　　　　 近松門左衛門




  March 31, 2008

  Intermezzo  タチバナシ

Neglecting its own democratic standpoint, "My Pro-constitution Theory" now serialized in a monthly neglects the Cabinet Legislative Bureau's neglect (See its chief's confession in the left column of AHOWAHADAKA via URL bellow) of GHQ's neglect of our Imperial power.
　Is Don Quixote this author or me?

  http://homepage2.nifty.com/georgemt

　月刊誌に連載中の「私の護憲論」は、内閣法制局 (上記URLよりAHOWAHADAKA左欄の長官陳述を参照) によるGHQの天皇権限無視の無視を無視して、自らの民主的立場を無視した。ドンキホーテは、この護憲論の筆者か、それとも、こちらか。

Triangular Deadlock 三竦み

  As evidenced hereabouts so far, our Establishment has been desperate for keeping our old ImperiaI polity at its core by way of Article 7-3, which is, however, against our people's Sovereignty in that the "advice and approval" in the article allows, jurisprudentially as well as logically, for the Emperor's initiative in the matter of state concerned.
  That is to say, Premier's advice can logically be dismissed by Emperor, and the approval can be readily given by Premier, to let, anyway, Emperor go his way, while Article 7-3, which is a specific law relative to Articles 7 itself and 4 as general ones, and further is a posterior law relative to the others as prior ones, can legally take precedence over them, to give Emperor the initiative here again.
  The ruling LDP, which has been trying, by painting it out with its draft constitution, to get rid of this inherited illogicality of our imperial system looking like a democracy working in such a very governmental action as a Lower House dissolution, is rather at a loss about its own people as well as the W.W. II Allied so nicely mesmerized by it as to know no dawn now in spring.　

  This campaign network is suspended to sum it up in a story coming in English here and in Japanese at my ALIEAJ via URL bellow.   

  http://homepage2.nifty.com/georgemt

　これまで証拠を列挙してきた通り、わが国の指導層は旧天皇制を死守してきたが、この憲法七条三項の悪用は、同条の 「助言と承認」が、文理的にも法理的にも、この国事に関する天皇の主導権を許容するからで、これは国民主権に反する。
　即ち、文理上、首相の助言は天皇が却下出来、その承認も唯々諾々かも知れないから、いずれにせよ、ここで天皇は主導的であり得、又、法理上も七条三項は相対的に、一般法である七条及び四条に対して特別法として、更に前法としての両条に対して後法としても、優先するから、ここでも天皇は主導権を持つのだ。
　衆院解散と言う枢要な政治行為が民主制に見えて実は天皇制という、この積年の背理を、新憲法案で誤魔化して逃げたい自民党政権も、これで先の大戦時の連合国のみならず自国民までが見事に眠り込まされ、その春眠未だ覚めやらぬのには当惑気味か。

February 26, 2008

Ostrich 駝鳥

No sooner sees it an enemy than an ostrich buries its head in the sand. Our mass media do alike.

  As soon as you shout, for instance, "Amendments!", some newspapers would chant back, "Pension!"

  Both bread and rules are important, and mass media shouldn't prefer a money scheme to national principles, which are equally procrastinated problems.

   An influential newspaper, nevertheless, has been trying to put our unconstituinal realities out of sight, systematically campaigning for the constitutional status quo.

　After its pro-JSDF editorial ("19/21" 3/5/07) logically contradictive (See "Amazement 3/5/07" via URL bellow), a Tokyo University professor (History of thought) euphemized his support to the alleged premier's Diet breakup by Article 7-3 in its column ("New imperial system": 5/1/08).

  He didn't, in fact, mention the dubious Section 3, but his theory missing it is mystifying itself.

  http://george23.cocolog-nifty.com.      

　敵を見るやいなや、駝鳥は砂に頭を埋める。わがマスコミも然り。 試みに、「改憲」と叫んでみれば、「年金」と数紙から木霊が返って来る。

　飯と掟は両方共が大事なのだから、マスコミが金の出方を先にして、国の礎を後回しにするのは良くない。どちらも先延ばしにされて来た問題なのだ。

　ところが、有力紙が違憲の現実を隠そうと、現状の憲法体制擁護のキャンペーンを系統的に展開している。先頃の論理矛盾な社説 (21-19) 「自衛隊」(07/5/3) による同隊追認（上記URLの 「仰天 07/5/22」参照）に続き、新年早々にも東大教授にコラム（08/1/5）

「新・皇室制度論」で言うところの七条三項解散権を遠回しに擁護させた。

　この教授（思想史）は実は、この怪物三項には触れていないのだが、ここを素通りして皇室制度を論じること自体が煙幕である。

Verbatim 逐語訳

  When the draft constitution prepared by the US side only was to be mutually discussed after our own so reactionary was rejected on Maech 4, 1946, our side had already secured the first dozen of articles arranged as in ours but based on the other's in contents, as translated, including all the articles relative to basic human rights, into Japanese verbatim as instructed by our person in charge there, according to his own memoirs published later in a jurist magazine.
   In Article 12, we are, as a result of this seemingly plain but actually crude interpreting, responsible for utilizing such basic rights "for the public welfare" only, and not "for our own sake", to fossilize this universal principle for individuals into a tribute to the public at large or the nation when the key phrase "public wellfare" was defined in only two lines in a judicial precedent (D8/TDC; 18/1/52) even with its case number missing in the first volume of the dozens of copious loose-leaf law reports.

  http://homepage2.nifty.com/georgemt

　一九四六年三月四日、わが方の反動的過ぎる憲法案が拒否されて米側が用意した案のみを叩き台に検討を再開することになった時、わが方は、編成は自案通りだが、内容は米案に基づく冒頭十余条を人権条項を全て含めて、この場の責任者が指示して逐語訳した内容で既に確保していたと、この本人が後に法律専門誌で回顧している。
　この率直を装う、実は粗放な解釈方針の結果、憲法十二条で我々は基本的人権を 「我々各自のため」 でなく、「公共の福祉のため」 にのみ、利用する責任を負わされ、個人の為の普遍的原理は、殺し文句 「公共の福祉」 が、数十巻からなる分厚い加除式判例集の第一巻で、事件番号さえも失せた判例 （東地刑八判、52/1/18） として、僅か二行の定義を下されるや否や、公共を代表する国家へ捧げられ、以来、半世紀余も棚晒しなのだ。

Bona Fides 善意

  As is evident in the clolumn left, our premier's power to dissolve the lower house was born when our side held fast to our former style of it, while the US side overlooked this intentional mistranslation of the Mac's original, subsequently giving in to our first use of it to camouflage this grave misrule by momentarily going back to the origianl already nonexistent.
  On this good occasion for our side, a constitutionalist, who had abruptly left his unofficial key position in the mutual drafting process, came back to the fore to advocate the power as Premier's, when it was actually Emperor's as in our own draft denied by Mac.
  The so-called "Premier's power" consists of very political Article 69 supplemented by merely ceremonial Article 7-3, and this addendum is against Article 4 forbidding Emperor any "powers related to government" in that Article 7-3 disguises itself as a mere formality on the part of the emperor advised to do "so" when it is actually his substantial action essential for the premier's "power" without due constitutional provision in materializing his own most political decision to break up the lower house. Hence, not Premier but Emperor breaks it up, and such a feigned power reflects upon the dignity of our nation, doesn't it?. (See Q2, LDP Quiz via URL bellow).
  In the process, this professor and other officials in charge were seemingly in so good faith that they were, as seen first above, all single-minded and anachronistically-ideological offenders against our supreme law, regardless of their preliminary involvement in tampering with it in the making. For our Establishment, a parliamentary system leads us to nothing but a British-style sovereign power in spite of its LDP revision plan so far ignored.

  http://homepage2.nifty.com/georgemt　

　左欄で明白なように、首相の衆院解散権は、日本側が旧来方式に固執して誕生したが、このマ原案の意図的誤訳を米側は見過ごし、この重大な失政を最初の解散権行使に際して既に失せた原案を臨時に適用する妥協で誤魔化した。
　好機到来と、再浮上して局面を主導したのが、起草過程で隠密の枢要な地位を不意に去った憲法学者で、この首相の権限を擁護したが、これは実際は天皇の権能で、この日本側案はマ将軍が却下済みだった。
　即ち、いわゆる首相衆院解散権は、まさに政治的な憲法六九条を単に儀礼的な同七条三項で補足したものだが、この補則は天皇の政治関与を禁じた同四条に反する。と言うのは、七条三項は、この首相 「権限」 に憲法上の規定が無いので、衆院解散と言う首相自身が最も政治的な決定を実現する権限にとっては実際は不可欠な要件なのに、その要件たる天皇の実質的行為を、助言されて 「そう」 する単なる形式的行為に、偽装しているからだ。従って、解散権は首相ではなく、天皇にあるから、この権力詐称は国家の品格に関わるのではないか。（上記URLよりジミンクイズQ2参照）。
　この際、この教授その他の当局者は善意で行動したらしいが、この善意こそが、冒頭で見た通り、彼等を、これら関連条項の予めの歪曲への関与を問う迄もなく、時代錯誤な違憲確信犯一味に仕立てた視野狭窄だった。わが国の支配層にとって、議院内閣制とは、このような英国流の君主の権限に我々を導くことでしかなく、これを改める案を自民党は先頃になって出したが、これまで無視されている。

  You Start マッチポンプ

  In a newspaper (9/11/48) just before "Put-up Breakup" , a constitutionalist says first that Premier can dissolve Lower House under either Article 7-3 or 69, to evidence himself at his own old scene of faking our supreme law, I suspect.

  Only a few years earlier, Imperial Japan let this authority, for pulling strings that way from further behind, leave, without much ado, his unofficial but vital position at the climax of the mutual drafting process of it, and this guesswork of mine must be the only explanation possible for this series of monkey business on it in the making.

 
  http://homepage2.nifty.com/georgemt

　
  新聞 (48/11/8）で 「馴れ合い解散」の直前に憲法学者が初めて、首相は衆院を七条二項か六九条で解散出来ると言ったのは、彼が自らの憲法改竄の現場に舞い戻ったと言うことではないか。

　これを遡ること僅か二年、帝国日本が、この地下工作を主導させる為にこそ、あのように事も無げに、日米相互による草案起草の最大の山場で彼ほどの権威を、その非公式ながら枢要の地位から去らせたと推測するしか、一連の憲法改竄は説明出来ない。

  January 13, 2008

  Dear God, Dear Buddha　神様、仏様

 
  A newapaper this morning lets that novelist and professor repeat his fellow professor's alleged theory that the very contradiction between Article 9 and JSDF forbids us to war, while my understanding is that the National Archives'

old paper, without its wrapping full of extravagant images of JSDF and all, suffices for our constant antiwar stance.

  If this wrapping is to be kept, we should accordingly change what is inside or Article 9, or else, and no quibbles like theirs are necessary here.
  Tell me if you know any other recent products which are found faked badly, but better still or evevn best eventually.

  They are apparently trying to win an old critic next to God or Buddha for them over to their side, but he won't budge an inch from his position blaming the then JSP-LDP coalition for its "constitutional JSDF" when he must know our situation so misled by now that even such simple logic as mine is in no way practicable.
 

  http://www.homepage2.nifty.com/georgemt

　
　今朝の新聞は、あの作家教授が例の教授の説を繰り返す頁で、憲法九条と自衛隊の矛盾こそが戦争を出来なくしていると宣伝しているが、不動の不戦の立場なら、国立公文書館にある古証文だけで、これに何も自衛隊やら何やらの途方も無い絵柄の包装を付けなくても、ケリではないか。

　この包装を付けて置くのなら、これに見合うように中味の九条その他を変えれば良い訳で、彼等のような屁理屈は全く要らない。近頃の製品で酷い偽装なのに、その方が良いとか、それが一番となったのが他にあったら教えて貰いたい。

　この連中は神とも仏とも頼む老批評家を味方にしようと躍起の様だが、彼は、筆者の唱える単純な道理も通用しない程に、状況が迷路に引き込まれたのは承知している筈で、そう易々とは社自連合政権による自衛隊合憲視を非難した姿勢を変えまい。

  December 17, 2007

五十歩百歩 Little Difference

　元最高裁長官が国連警察軍活動は戦争ではないと言って (56/7/1)、民主党代表の最新戦略に論拠を与えたが、この戦略で我々は、現にインド洋上で作戦中の連合軍艦隊に油は送れないが、国連軍には自衛隊を派遣出来る。
　この世界に聞こえた法学者には 「国権の発動たる戦争」 は国家ので、国際組織のは別で戦争一般ではないが、これは自民党の憲法曲解より酷く、戦争と、武力による威嚇又は武力の行使は、両方共、「国際紛争を解決する手段としては（九条）」 放棄する （が、そうでない場合は別だ） と言う屁理屈の拡大再生産であり、この直近の鍵括弧中の文言は当時の制憲相によるマ草案和訳への再三の改竄の結果ながら、わが法学者の指摘に反して、英文でも、直前にコンマが無くても、 「戦争」 と 「武力による威嚇と武力の行使」 の両方に掛けて読めることは当時の内閣法制局次長の言う通りで、この理路と言うよりは迷路を、わが法学者の国権戦争は踏襲するに過ぎない。
　結局、大洋の両端から相寄った当事者が何かを 「としては」 や 「たる」 等と言う片言隻句で同定する際に陥った混乱に付け入り、その裏を読んで、自衛隊を米国や国連に荷担させる国家原理を、このように間接的に捻り出すのは、公明正大と言えない。

http://homepage2.nifty.com/georgemt
 

  Saying a UN military campaign is no war, a former Chief Justice of the Supreme Court gives (1/7/56) the basis for the DPJ leader's latest strategy, under which we can send JSDF to such a UN mission, but no oil to the allied fleets now in the Indian Ocean.
  This world-reknown jurist 's "War as a soverign right of the nation"so national that an international one is not war in general is, however, a worse version of the LDP misinterpretation of our supreme law that we renounce both war and threat or use of force "as means of  settling international disputes (Article 9)" (only), in that despite of repeated distortions of the Mac's original, the then constitutionalization minister's version of the last quoted phrase above in English can, against our jurist's claim, still cover, even without a comma before "as", both "war" and "threat or use of war" as the then CLB's deputy director general maintained, to show our jurist's nationl war as another reproduction of this logical trick.
  In the end, we shouldn't take advantage of such confusions between the parties from both sides of an ocean involving such a tiny word as "as", which only identifys something, and nothing else, which has, nevertheless, been unfairly read out to find, thus indirectly, our national reason for JSDF under UN or USA.

  November 18, 2007

  Sovereign 主権者

 
  Who do you think is the sovereign of this country?  We are,  you'd say, but I doubt it because of some unfavorable definitions in our supreme law.

  In spite of its preamble declaring the people's sovereign power, we are, under its Article 12, "always responsible for utilizing the freedoms and rights" guaranteed by it "for the public welfare", and accordingly not masters

of anything but slaves of someone else, aren't we?

  Furthermore, our representatives, who constitute the "highest organ of state power" under Article 41, can, with no due sanctions, be beheaded en masse by Premier or head of an illicit armed group to force us all.

　How can we be sovereigns, now?

  http://homepage2.nifty.com/georgemt

  この国の主権者は誰だと思う。我々だと、大概は言うだろうが、これは憲法の条文上は疑わしい。

　前文は主権在民を宣言するが、我々は、十二条の下に、憲法が保障する「自由及び権利は常に公共の福祉のために」「利用する責任を負う」から、何者かの奴隷ではあっても、何物の主人でも無いのではないか。

  しかも、四一条が 「国権の最高機関」と決めた我々の選良を何ら権限も無いのに首相が、好きな時に雁首を並べて切るが、無法武装集団を率いているから、泣く子も黙る。

　これで我々が主権者と言えようか。

犯人は誰 Who Done It?

  憲法は、六九条をマッカーサー草案の 「(不信任) 内閣は」 「辞職するか国会を解散」 から 「衆議院が解散されない限り、総辞職」 へ換えて解散者を曖昧にした上で、七条三項に関わる助言者及び承認者としての内閣に衆院解散権を見出すが、これら定義の不自然さは今回の自民党草案の 「解散」 は首相が 「決定する」 の単純さで分かる。
  これが天皇主権を温存する方便だったことは、マ草案翻訳当事者が証言しており（下記HP 「ジミンクイズ問2」 参照)、この反動的だが同情できる茶番を演出したと思しき人物は、マ司令部の報復を避けたか、その枢位を直後に捨てた事実がある。　

  http://homepage2.nifty.com/georgemt

  Our Constitution finds the power of dissolving the House of Representatives, after so altering Article 69 from MacArthur's "Cabinet (doomed) shall resign or order the the Diet to dissolve" to "Cabinet shall resign en masse, unless the House of Representatives is dissolved", in Cabinet as the advisor and approver in Article 7-3 as to obscure who has the power concerned, but the awkwardness of these definitions is obvious before the recent LDP draft version "(the dissolution) shall be at Premier's discretion".
　This conspiracy as a means to keep the then Imperial sovoreignty was testified (See HP above for "LDP Quiz Q2") by our translators and all of the D.MacArthur draft, and in fact the stage director apparent of this reactionary but understandable farce left his key position soon after, probably to avoid Mac's reprisal.


  October 21, 2007

  Amaurotic 明き盲

 
  In the case of Sunagawa (16/12/59), the supreme court, which shall "determine the constitutionality of any law, order, regulation or official act (Art. 81, Const.)", ruled the Japano-American Security Treaty out as a "political

question" with "no obvious unconstitutionality or invalidity".

  On the contrary, the court had its authority and duty to hand down its constitutiomal answer to the "political question" desperately needed in that upheaval with the nation split into two where the treaty looked so military as to be "obviously" "unconstitutional or invalid" under our constitutional pacifism with no military, for which anyone who supports JSDF based on the right of self-defense virtually abandoned self-declaredly is naughtier than a child who knows you can' t have your cake and eat it.

   
  http://homepage2.nifty.com/georgemt

  砂川事件判決 (59/12/16) で最高裁は、「一切の法律、命令、規則又は処分が憲法に適合するかしないかを決定する (憲法81条)」

はずが、日米安全保障条約は「統治行為」であり、「明白に」は 「違憲無効であると認められない」からと、司法審査の範囲外とした。

　これは逆で、法廷は、この「統治行為」への憲法判断こそが、あの国論を二分した騒動には必要だったから、これを下すべき権限と義務があったし、あの条約は軍事的で、憲法の非武装平和主義には「明白に」も「違憲無効であると認められ」たのであるが、この見方からは、自ら宣言して事実上は放棄した自衛権に依拠して自衛隊を擁護する者は、菓子は食べたら無くなると知る三つ子の分別も無い。

授権法 Enabling Act

  テレビニュース番組の人気司会者が、古巣の新聞の新聞週間特集で、この新聞の九条の扱いを応援している。即ち、わが政府も彼も自衛隊と九条の両方に賛成なのだが、この二つは、大概の憲法学者や筆者には、両立し得ない。
　この問題は最高裁が統治権に返上した (59/12/16) とは言え、そんな彼らの立場が正当だと誰が決めたのか、反問したいものだ。憲法の何が、このように返上された司法権を現状のように行政権に授権したか。
　これでは新世紀日本は、授権法 (33/3/23) を持つに至ったナチ体制下より、おぞましいではないか。この法の下にナチは立法権を接収し、遂には全権を掌握したが、わが支配者は法に定めも無い司法権を継承し、これまで指摘してきたように同様手口で既に立法権の死命を制していたから、事実上、この国家の統治三権を半世紀も壟断してきたのだ。　

  http://homepage2.nifty.com/georgemt

　In a newspaper-week feature, a popular TV newscaster endorses the paper's opinion on Article 9 as a former repoter there. That is to say, he as well as our government is for both JSDF and Article 9, which are incompatible with each other for most of our constitutionalists and me.
   I should like to ask them who has decided their position like that is right after the supreme court gave it all up (16/12/59) to the soverignty. Under our supreme law, what has enabled the executive power to succeed, as seen now, the judicial power thus given up?
   Aren't we in a situation horribler than in the Nazi regime with its Enabling Act (23/3/33), in that under the law, Nazi took over the legislative power to eventually seize the plenary power, while without due law, our ruler has succeeded the judicial power to virtually abuse all the three sovereign powers already for half a century, with the legislative power earlier controllable for him through similar tricks I have so far pointed out.

  September   ,2007

  CP is not putting up its candidates whereever single-member constituencies are hopeless for it in the coming general election. The wonderful decision must change Japan because about forty seats may be given to DP instead of  LDP, to let DP handle this country for a drastic change.
  For its contribution this way to a better Japan, CP gets some bargaining power to ask DP for as much as practically possible under an agreement of policies at every district concerned.
   Apparently least prejudiced against CP, DP boss may thus open up a power shift system for the first time in the postwar Japan.
   At this unprecedented juncture, however, any new skipper of our boat shall, for his maiden voyage, note LDP-planned Chart at its three distressing points of enjoyable human rights, premier's Diet breakup and JSDF as military all missing mysteriously so far.   

  http://homepage2.nifty.com/georgemt

　共産党は来たるべき総選挙で見込みの無い小選挙区では候補を立てない。この素晴らしい決定は日本を変えるに違いない。四十前後の議席が自民党から民主党に移り、これが激震を起こすからだ。
　この日本改造への貢献で共産党は交渉力を手にして実現可能な譲歩を民主党に求め、関係選挙区では政策協定が結ばれよう。
　共産党に対する偏見が少なそうな民主党首は、これで戦後日本に初めて政権交替制を発足させ得る。
　この前代未問の時局では、しかし、誰であれ日本丸に船長たる者は処女航海前に自民党が試作した海図で三つの難所を確認すべきであり、これら難所は、人権の享受、首相による国会解散及び自衛隊の武装であるが、これまで奇怪にも海図に記載が無かった。

飛躍 Jump

　大方の護憲論者は、自衛隊を容認した上で自衛軍案には侵略荷担を招くと反対するのだから、この容認で違憲に荷担した上で戦前の治安維持法顔負けの予防線を張ると言う論理の飛躍を冒している。こんな支離滅裂さも、売り出し中の批評家には複雑な現実の反映であり、長老憲法学者には埋められて久しい外堀沿いで死守すべき最前線ならではだ。
　内堀を護るのに、その後の本丸攻めを口にすることは、さすがの淀君も憚ったが、わが国の知識人やマスコミは九条一項と言う内堀の安泰を見落として落城を空騒ぎする。この非武装地帯を自衛軍は跨いで行けるだろうか。首相は跨ぐ算段を廻らせはしたが、手前で転んで、とにかく跨ぎ損ねたではないか。
　幸いにも、首相は近隣修復と嘘の無い新時代を拓く改憲法を土産に置いて行く。この二つを活用しない手は無かろう。

  http://homepage2.nifty.com/georgemt

  Most of Constitutional non-revisionists risk a jump of logic that after accepting JSDF, they are against the ruling party's JSDF as military lest it should invite its support to any other's aggression, in that after thus violating the Constitution, they resort to this precautionary campaign as excessive as the prewar Peace Preservation Law. Such a gross inconsistency is, however, a reflection of the complex world for an emerging critic, or at a front to be kept desperately along the outer moat filled in for long for an elder constitutionalist.
  Even Princess Yodo didn't dare mention a probable siege to her donjon in defending its inner moat, while our intellectuals and mass media clamor against its fall, overlooking its inner moat intact as Article 9-1. Can JSDF as military step over this demilitarized zone? The prime minister did plan to try it, but stumbled before it, eventually giving it all up.
  Fortunately, he is going, leaving behind our neighbors now in good humor and Amendment Law leading us to a new regime with no lies any more. Why don't we make the most of the two?

  August 21, 2007

  Gentlemen 紳士

 
  Our supreme law should, above all, be fair because it is for everyone of us with various opinions. Naturally, it tends to be so rough and simple as to be interpreted in many ways like we have so far seen, much to our dismay.

  In my opinion among many, however, any law duly executed mustn't be so misleading, and if ever so, it is intentionally misread as seen in the case of a former premier decorated with the Supreme Order who read the constitutional preamble the other way round, similar cases of another premier as well as the supreme courts taking place before and after.

  By the way, a Nobel prize winner says in a newspaper this morning that the premier's good-bye to the postwar regime is so vague that he can show no alternative, when his ruling party has actually shown its new draft constitution

with JSDF as military among such crucial points this author says nothing about.

　　http://homepage2.nifty.com/georgemt

    最高法規は、意見を異にする万人の為、公平を旨とすべきだが、当然にも大雑把で簡単なものになるので、多様な解釈を許し、我々を失望させる。

　筆者の意見も多様な中の一つに過ぎまいが、正当に制定された法が誤解を生み易い訳は無く、敢えて異解を唱えるのは意図的誤読であり、これは憲法前文を逆に解釈した大勲位元首相の流儀で、これには最高裁や別の首相の例も前後にある。

　ところで、ノーベル賞受賞者が、今朝の新聞に首相の戦後レジームからの脱却が曖昧で代案も無いと言ったが、事実は首相与党が新憲法案を公表して自衛隊を軍隊とする等の重大提案があるのに、この作家は知らん顔なのだ。

お前もか Et Tu

　あの闇将軍首相の首を取った評論家も、雑誌八月号で内閣法制局の判断により自衛隊は合憲だと言って、わが覆面国権簒奪者一味の走狗となり果てた。
  わざと隙だらけに仕組んだ現憲法の下で、同局は資格も無いのに自衛隊を合憲と判断するが、これは首相が権限も無いのに衆院を解散する手口を真似たものだ。即ち、一方は天皇の手を労わせた紙片を筒にして、そこから口を出し、他方は最高裁判事団変じて最高の牡蠣の皿盛りと化したのを食い物にする (下記HP参照)。
　こんな醜悪な戦後体制から早めに脱却したいのは何も首相一人では無いが、その契機はマスコミの選挙用 「花より団子」 絶叫と共に当面は去った。 　

　　　　　　  http://homepage2.nifty.com/georgemt

  When a critic, who cut off our Premier the Black Shogun's neck, argued in a magazine's August edition that JSDF was constitutional since the Cabinet Legislative Bureau authenticated it, he was making himself a cat's-paw of a masked group of usurpers in this country.
   Under our deliberately-deficient Constitution, unqualified CLB legitimates JSDF after the fashion of the prime minister dissolving, without due power, the Lower House. That is, one puts in a word through a tubed piece of paper with the Emperor's signature, while the other  preys on supreme judges-turned supreme oysters (See HP above).
   Our premier is not alone in wishing to sooner get rid of this ugly regime, our chance for it has just gone for a while with a mass media election claptrap "Pension, Not Action" though.

釦一つ A Button

　前首相が持論の自衛隊戦力論を開陳し、この誰も否定出来ない事実に立って、これを自衛軍と規定する自民党新憲法案の不可避性を説いたのは、この問題から最高裁を真似て逃げようとマスコミが参院選を目前に悪あがきしている最中だけに、時宜に適った頂門の一針である。
　見たところ、政権党は、 半世紀に亙り掛け違え放しにしてきたボタンを、今回は順に掛け直したいだけらしいが、マスコミは、 選り抜きの言論人を動員した「そのボタン惜し」の大合唱を年金空騒ぎで仕上げた所為で、又もや負けっぷりが悪いと、その鼎の軽重を問われよう。
　延べ何十億の諸国人民に対する、この史上最悪の国家詐欺行為に済し崩しに同調してきたマスコミは、名にし負う図体なので、これら鉄面皮でも身軽な政治詐欺師のようには、転進出来ないのが哀れである。

  http://homepage2.nifty.com/georgemt

  A former premier vents out his pet theory of JSDF as war potential, and no one can deny his timely thrust when he insists, on the ground of the indisputable actualities, on the inevitability of it as military in LDP's draft charter, while with the Upper House election coming up, mass media ignore this military provision systematically after the supreme court fashion.
  For half a century, the ruling party has buttoned up the coat one hole wrong by turns, now seeming to want to simply correct the set of mistakes, but mass media will, again as bad losers, get their prestige questioned for their fuss about pension scheme after their loud "missing button" chorus with some men of letters as its draws.
  It is a pity that mass media cannot, as the name implies, change their course so agilely as brazenfaced politicians whose worst national fraud in history such media have, by and large, become in line with has influenced some billions of peoples.

  July 15, 2007

  Poisonous Bun 毒饅頭

  What is more bogus than our stale-meat products, or their cardboard-mix meat bun and all, do you think?

  That is your own supreme law since prepared from this recipe for our nation, democracy is a pictured rice cake.   
  Also, the separation of the three powers is a melted ice cream and pacifism is a candy bar showing JSDF with plenty of war potential at its every cut you get (See HP bellow).

  To make matters less simple than that cardboard story now doubtful, such fake baits have passed their use-by dates so long ago that their designer LDP itself is trying to dissuade people from eating them, while our mass media are, in this crucial occasion of the Upper House election, desperately beating about the bush with their repetitive and boring defeat stories, only to obscure such dangerous

reality for some reason unknown. 

  http://homepage2.nifty.com/georgemt

　
　わが腐肉食品や、かのダンボール混入肉饅などより、酷い食わせ物とは何でしよう。

　それは、あなたの憲法です。なぜなら、この国家料理法では、民主主義は絵に描いた餅となり、三権分立は溶けたアイスクリームに過ぎず、平和主義は切っても切っても戦力満載の自衛隊が現われる金太郎飴だからです (上記HP参照)。

　これは今や嘘らしいダンボール話ほど単純ではなく、とっくに賞味期限が過ぎた、こんな擬似餌は止そうと、それを仕掛けた張本人の自民党が時代を画す参院選挙を前に国民を説得しているのに、なぜかマスコミは、もう食傷した敗戦物語を繰り返しては、この危険な現実を躍起になって誤魔化すのです。

二枚舌は二枚目 Doubly Doubtful

　新聞が夕刊の読物 (07/6/25) で戦後の戦中自省を二重論理で逃げたのは遺憾としたが、二重基準はこの新聞のお家芸ではないか (下記HP参照)。
　二度目の敗戦と言われる昨今を象徴するように、この好漢風曲者は、軍隊を持たないと誓った戦後の出発点を揺るがせにしたくないと言いながら、誰の目にも立派な軍隊である自衛隊を、新憲法で軍隊と呼びさえしなければ、容認し続けようと提案 (07/5/3) しているのだ。
　その二枚目の二枚舌に、若い憲法学者の辛口を味わせたい。

　　「自衛隊が軍隊でなければ、日本酒も酒ではない」

          http://homepage2.nifty.com/georgemt

  In its evening feature (25/6/07), a newspaper regrets its postwar double-logic approach in favor of its escape in repenting what it had done in the war. Isn't this approach, however, its specialty (See HP above)?
   Symbolizing this juncture of our so-called second defeat, this goody-goody fox wanting not to make light of our postwar restart with no military under oath, proposes (3/5/07) to keep accepting JSDF, if  it is nonmilitary in the coming charter, in spite of its obvious military nature in everybody's eyes.
   The doubly double tongue shall relish a young constitutionalist's bitter mouth:

  "If JSDF isn't military, sake isn't liquor."

  June 14, 2007

 
  Crazy or Lazy 物臭か、物狂いか

 
  Japan used to be an American henchman for our communists, and has now been demoted to an American slave by our famed psychologist in a newspaper this morning.
Which do you think this scholar is, a crazy man or a lazy man?
  A master country America would not so easily have been returning Okinawa to his slave country Japan (15/5/1972), let alone withdrawing his biggest overseas military base along Subic Bay from his former tributary the Philippines (16/11/1991).
  As evidenced here, our civilized world is generally constitutional, however the law of the jungle is persistent.
  Now, we need to amend our Constitution in that its Article 9 allows no war including the sheer defense by JSDF, and such an amendment should not, in spite of our scholar's overanxiety, let America easier win us over to its own war, as we are going to renew our declaration that we never offend abroad with our war potential so far nonexistent brazenly but now existent honestly.
  Then, America will, if it dare forces us to, be all the more looking unreasonable.

  http://homepage2.nifty.com/georgemt

  日本は、昔は共産党からアメリカの目下呼ばわりされたが、今朝は有名な心理学者に紙上でアメリカの奴隷扱いされている。
　この学者は、物臭なのか、物狂いなのか、どちらだろう。米国は主人なら、滅多なことでは沖縄を奴隷日本に返したり (1972/5/15)、その最大の在外軍事基地を元属領の比国から撤去したり (1991/11/26) は尚更、しなかったろう。

　これで明らかなように、弱肉強食の現実は否定し切れないが、現在の文明世界は一応は法治が支配的である
　さて、自衛隊の専守防衛も戦争だから，憲法九条は修正の必要があるが、この範囲の修正で日本が、この学者が取り越し苦労するように、米国の戦争へ引き込まれ易くなる訳があろうか。これまでは恥知らずにも無いと言い抜け、今回は正直に有ると白状する戦力だが、これを使って戦争には出て行かないと更めて宣言するのだから、それを無理強いすれば米国の非道が一層際立つようになるだけだ。

本末転倒 Cart before Horse

　その純粋さから憲法九条は解釈で緩い原理へ薄め難く、その専門を盾にしても内閣法制局は首相には従わざるを得ず、その指導原理である国憲を国益は情勢次第で動かせはしないから、以上三点で今朝の東大憲法学教授の紙上談話は異様であり、ここに、退任を前に参院議長が、最高裁の自衛隊憲法判断忌避に乗じる同局による有権解釈を嘆く、事態の深刻さが見える。

  http://homepage2.nifty.com/georgemt

  Article 9 has too narrow latitude to be a loose principle, because of its puritan nature. The Cabinet Legislative Bureau belongs to the prime minister, however resistant it may be to him with its prowess. And our national interests always depending on the situation can never control their guiding principle, our Constitution.
  Therefore, the three points above, which a constitutionalist, Uni/Tokyo, differs from in this morning's paper, tell us the gravity of the outgoing Upper House chairwoman's lament for authentic interpretations by the bureau taking advantage of the the supreme court avoiding finalilizing JSDF legitimacy.

  May 14, 2007

  Open Sesame 開闢

　
  In order to take back the three big lies sixty years old in this country, the Referendum Law just in force shall so congratulate our open sesame ever that the self-defense right shall be secured by the self-defense forces, our basic rights shall be enjoyed by us, not merely being possessed by, and the premier's right to break up the lower house shall be so restricted as to realize the separation

of the three powers.

  http://homepage2.nifty.com/georgemt

　この国の六十年に亙る三つの大嘘を取消す為、成立した国民投票法で、自衛権は自衛軍で担保し、人権の享有は人権の享有享受とし、首相の衆院解散権は制限して三権分立を全うするよう、国民自らが革めるのが，この開闢以来の慶事の眼目である。

仰天 Amazement

　制憲六十周年を記念する有力新聞の社説には仰天した。憲法九条と自衛隊の矛盾を認めながら、この両者を共存させるよう、新たに平和安全保障基本法を定め、自衛隊は軍隊としないと言うのだ。
　そもそも、自衛隊が既に軍隊だからこその、この矛盾だから、この社説こそが、自衛隊を軍隊と認めた前提を、軍隊を将来は否定するが現状では放置する結論によって事実上、否定する矛盾であり、読むだけ無駄である。
　かくて、この違憲常態を解消するには改憲するか、自衛隊を武装解除するしか無いが、後者では元も子も無いから、前者しか無い。
　ところが、この新聞は先日、この改憲は憲法の根幹を揺るがすから自民党によるクーデタだと教授が彼女の言う憲法学界の通説を説く投書まで掲載した。
　この国の知識人は尋常ではない。

  http://homepage2.nifty.com/georgemt

  Amazingly, an influential newspaper says in its editorial in memory of our Constitution now sixty years old that the longtime contradiction between Artticle 9 and JSDF shall be changed into a compatibility between them by instituting a pacifc security standard forbidding JSDF to be military.
  In the first place, JSDF has, because of its long military nature, been contradictory to our Article 9, and this editorial is a contradiction of no use itself since its conclusion forbidding military in future with the existing contradiction left alone denys practically its precondition seeing military in the existing JSDF.
  Thus, our choice is to amend our Charter, or disarm JSDF, which loses all, and we are to take the former.
  By the way, in the readers' column of this newspaper, a professor insists her accepted theory that an LDP revision of the charter in such a way amounts to a coup d' etat as a fatal blow to it.
  Our intellectuals are not conventional, indeed.

  April 15, 2007

  Discovery of Zero 零の発見

   A monthly features a talk in which a famed novelist agrees with a Tokyo University jurist professor's view that our constitutional nonarmament is a mere principle not prohibiting our self-defense force just as our freedom of speech allows for libel.
  Your foul mouth can't shutter our mouths, but your gun in your hand can shatter our hands-up, you see.
  Incidentally, this professor's professor's professor was saying in his book (1955):

     (war potential) "will never be maintained" means "will never get maintainable legally," not merely declaring a pinciple not to maintain it.

  http://homepage2.nifty.com/georgemt.

　月刊誌の対談で著名作家は、憲法の非武装が単なる原則であり、自衛力を禁じないのは、言論が自由でも名誉毀損罪がある様なものと言う東大憲法学教授に、賛成する。
　誰かが口汚いからと言って皆が口に蓋をすることはないが、誰かが銃を手にしていては、皆が手を上げても、その手を誰が食おうか。
　因みに、この教授の教授の教授が著書 (1955) に曰く、

　　（戦力を）「保持しない」とは、保持することが法律的に許されないとの意である。単に保持しないという方針の宣言にすぎないのではない。　 

病は気から Mind Rules Body

　自衛隊と憲法九条は矛盾だから、これに疑問を感じるのは当たり前で、これを今朝の新聞での教授のように物語だとか病だとか言い立てる方が奇妙である。
　教授が、日米当局の改憲意向に反してまで、現状に固執するのは、その真意は別として (下記 「自己欺瞞」 参照)、 この矛盾が六十年の平和を齎したと何の根拠も無く信じているからだろう。
　自衛隊の合憲化は、実状に法制を合わせるだけだから、言うところの大袈裟な覚悟などは要る筈も無く、これで長年の矛盾が消え、物語や病を喋々する必要が無くなるだけだ。
　神経を病むのは国民か、教授連か。

  http://homepage2.nifty.com/georgemt

  Because of the contradiction between Article 9 and JSDF, it is so natural for us to question it, and it is rather strange to see a professor in this morning's paper find a fiction or illness in our attitude like that.
  In spite of the constitutional JSDF coveted by our government as well as the American, he wants to keep the status quo because he believes, his real intention (See "Self-deception" bellow) aside, on no firm ground that the very contradiction has brought us the sixty years long peace, I guess.
   The constitutional JSDF coming with its legal status adjusted to its reality should demand us no particular preparedness like he threatens us with, since it will only dissolve the longtime contradiction besides extravagant fictions or illnesses found by him.
   Who are neurotic, people or professors?

品格失格 Dignity Denyed

　集団的自衛権は、自衛隊保持で憲法の絶対平和主義を無視した以上、予想された手詰りであり、自衛隊への憲法判断を最高裁が忌避した当然の帰結であるが、これでは美しい国も、処女が今や阿婆擦れ女と成り果て、行き場を失った風情に似る。
　不義の子らも先日は後れ馳せな元服を祝ったのだから、ここは我々が家憲を改めて彼ら兵士を正式に認知すべきではないか、アッカンベイと腐れ縁は切れないのだから。

  http://homepage2.nifty.com/georgemt

　The right of collective self-defense is an obvious stalemate in our supreme law long ignoring its pure pacifism by keeping JSDF, whose constitutionality has never been finalized by the ultimate judicature, our beautiful country consequently looking like a virgin-turned hussy at a loss.
  Now the illegitimate have just been celebrated their late coming of age, isn't it time for us to recognize them as our own soldiers by rewriting our family creed, Dongyankees and Yankees are hell-bound though?

  March 14, 2007

  Commonplace 月並み

  LDP's new draft constitution sometimes sounds a bit more nationalistic, reflecting the party's younger opinions, the draftsman says.
  This is a bit surprising since such tendencies used to come from its seniors, but natural and acceptable provided such are within democratic principles.
  Our historic task is to correct the controversial points so that no unproductive disputes will survive this occasion.
  As evident by now, no scholars, bureaucrats and media

people are trustworthy in this national business.
  We need a commonplace but clear-cut charter because what we can hope for is an ordinary country where defense is war.

   
  http://homepage2.nifty.com/georgemt
  　

　自由民主党の新憲法草案は国家主義的に響く場合があり、これは同党の若い層の意見を反映したものだと、起草者が語るので、そんなのは長老たちに決まっていたから、少し驚いたが、民主原則を逸れない限り、自然なものとして受入れてよい。
　我々の歴史的課題は現憲法の論争個所を是正して不毛な議論を、この際、根絶することだ。
　これ迄に証明されたように、この国民的事業では学者、役人及びマスコミ関係者は一切、信用出来ない。
　専守防衛も戦争だから、普通の国を望む他無い我々には、月並みでも明確な憲章が必要だ。

  January 16, 2007

  Sovereign　元首

  On its every festival in spring and autumn, the Yasukuni Shrine is honored by our Imperial Messenger coming to pay homage to it. In our country, this is the highest respect paid to it.
  The Prime Minister's visit to it is only the fourth

highest after the Diet Chairpersons'.
  Our neighbors must know this order very well, and this is still a point our Foreign Minister should keep in mind in

persuading them to tolerate our Prime Minister's Yasukuni visit now suspended voluntarily, in spite of such a much less important nature of it not necessarily representing our nation.

  http://homepage2.nifty.com/georgemt

　靖国神社は春秋の例大祭毎に勅使参拝の栄に浴するが、これが我が国では最高の礼遇で、首相参拝は国会両院議長参拝に次ぐ四番目に過ぎない。
　この順序は、近隣諸国も先刻承知ではあろうが、やはり、我が外相が、これら諸国に首相靖国参拝を容認するよう説得する際に留意すべきであり、首相は必ずしも国民を代表しない、よほど軽い立場の参拝を自ら中止したのである。

　.   　

 March 11, 2007

  Blissful Dragonflies 極楽とんぼ

 
  A radio program of English the other day was on our Constitution where the professor in charge passed by our obvious war potential when he read down Article 9 in English and Japanese, while he didn't, somehow, read, in Japanese, the controversial "public welfare" clause in Article 12.

  I do share his praise for the supreme law, but I'm afraid his cool approach to such linguistic problems as above is so naive that he looks like one of those dragonflies abundant in paradise high above this land of generosity floating beautifully.

  http://homepage2.nifty.com/georgemt

  先だってラジオの英語教育番組が日本国憲法を紹介したが、九条は日英両語で読んでも戦力の存在は素通りし、十二条では疑惑の「公共の福祉」の個条を何故か日本語では解読しなかった。

　わが最高法規を読む際の感銘は、この番組担当の教授と共にするに吝かでないが、これら語学的問題点に超然たる教授の態度は、浮世離れを通り越して群れ飛ぶ極楽トンボの域にあり、言挙げせぬ国風未だ廃れずの感に堪えない。

自己欺瞞 Self-deception

　宣言した非武装と現存する戦力との矛盾こそが、戦後の平和と繁栄を双手にし得た秘密であったと、今朝の新聞で作家が例の話題を締め括ったが、この矛盾論は前提から間違いで、平和憲法と自衛隊の対立は、この論者ら諸君の主観に過ぎず、こんな悩みや慰めにかまけているから、現実には解釈改悪が深まる九条と膨張する精鋭戦力が両立してきたのだ。
　免疫不全憲章が、手を縛った異分子の闖入で苦悶する様を楽しむとは結構な趣味だが、こんな諸君の法螺に誰が騙されたろうか。それは戦争を目の仇にする日本人でしかなく、この嘘で我々が損をしても得をしたことは、元々の絶対平和主義なら万事只だったのだから、あり得ないけれども、こんな一人相撲は、そうと分かれば続けてもおれまい。
　更に、諸君は、こうして違憲支配権力を免責した上、憲法の他の二つの大嘘を隠そうとしていないか。否定するなら、主犯の意図に反する諸君の動きは何か。これら九条等の嘘への訂正を提案しているのは、下記HPで説く通り、自民党なのである。この残りの嘘への諸君の大人の叡智は、どこかで読めるのか、もし在れば教えて貰いたい。

  http://homepage2.nifty.com/georgemt　

  The contradiction between our declared demilitarization and our obvious war potential is the very secret of our postwar success in keeping both peace and prosperity with us, a writer concludes our topic in the newspaper this morning.
   But this theory starts our peaceful charter confronted with JSDF, which has happened nowhere but in personal views like his since there has only been Article 9 so repeatedly read otherwise as to be compatible with the ever growing war potential new and powerful in reality, as long as he and lot keep this contradiction merely within them now glad, now sad.
   It is so decent of you to enjoy our immuno-deficient charter in agony invaded by a foreigner with tied arms. Who do you think have been deceived by your quibble like this, by the way? Nobodies but the Japanese, who hate anything to do with war so much that they are ready to accept it having been not so much profiting as losing in contrast to our original absolute pacifism costing nothing, but that they will not fight the windmill any more now they have come to know what.
  Further, pardoning the unconstitutional ruling power this way, aren't you also trying to hide other two big lies in the law, which LDP plans to correct besides this Article 9, as you may see by clicking HP above? If not, what's your action like this contrary to your ringleader's intention? Tell us, please, where to find your unfathomable wisdom displayed, if any, for such extra two.

  October 09, 2006

  Booby Trap Remined 埋め戻された地雷

  Our new prime minister's quick visits to our neighbors have just covered up the sensitive mine, only to wait and see someone else coming sooner or later to tread on it.   
  Better dig it up now, and defuse it, which is, by the way, your hatred for our major war criminals executed and enshrined in the Yasukuni to be mourned for by our leader.
  On behalf of you, somebody remarked what if your

national leader should pay his homage to Hitler.
  I hate to say this, but you should turn your blind eye to this mourner since even Hitler is a beloved child for his bereaved folks, or nation for that matter.

 
  http://homepage2.nifty.com/georgemt　　

　わが新首相が近隣二国を急ぎ訪ねて微妙な問題に蓋をして来たが、これでは誰かが、遅かれ早かれ、この地雷を踏むことになる。
　ここは直ぐに掘り返して雷管を抜くに越したことはない。地雷とは、これら両国民の憎悪が、わが指導的戦犯が処刑され合祀されている靖国への日本首相の弔問を目の仇にしていることを指す。
　両国民に代わって誰かが、「どこかの指導者がヒトラーを弔問したら、どう思うか」とまで批判した。
　まことに言い憎いが、この弔問者には見て見ぬ振りをして上げるべきだと思う。ヒトラーと言えども人の子、遺族の立場はある筈。国家の立場も、然り。

盗人、世に憚る Burglars At Large

　今朝の新聞で誰かが、憲法が現実に合わぬと批判する政治家は刑法が仕事に差し障ると不服を言う泥棒にも等しい、と述べたが、幸か不幸か、今回は泥棒に追い銭が必要である。
　それと言うのも、早めに憲法を書き換えないと、各種違憲法制下に活動した膨大な人々を一網打尽に検挙しなければならないからである。言うところの護憲派と改憲派に二分された国論の一方に立てば、そうなる理屈である。
　即ち、この論者は憲法を現実に合わせて改正すべき根拠を問いながら、これを現実の世界情勢に合わせる問題に飛躍させ、足元の自衛隊の違憲性を問わない。
　これは、マスコミが、自衛隊は既成事実だからと、これから国民の目を逸らせている間に、自民党が新憲法も好きなように料理しようと、揃って一芝居打っているのか。実は、この論者は、他紙刊行物では最近、自衛隊の存在の意義を憲法で位置付けたいと述べているのだ。   

  http://homepage2.nifty.com/georgemt

  In a newspaper this morning, someone says that our lawmakers criticizing the Constitution for not being realistic are like burglars complaining of the Criminal Code interfering with their activities.
  Fortunate or not, we need to throw good money after bad this time. I mean we have to sooner revise the Constitution unless we are making a roundup of a great number of people involved in various activities under our unconstitutional laws so far in force. This is a logical sequence, if you stand by one side of the national opinions divided into two, or the pros and cons of it, as he puts it.
  That is to say, questioning possible reasons for adjusting our supreme law to our reality, he jumps his logic to a topic adjusting it to our real but outer world, only to overlook our own unconstitutional Self-Defense Forces.
   Is he, thus, with our media trying to avert our people's eyes from JSDF as a fait accompli, in a plot for LDP taking advantage of this chance to cook up freely our new supreme law too? In a book published recently by another newspaper, he did reveal his sincere desire to give JSDF a just place in our Constitution.

  December 20, 2006

  Deepest Bow 最高礼

  The reason I suggest building a shrine for the foreign dead victimized by our soldiers is that it is so deep-rooted a way of our appeasing the dead as to be ever attracting our pilgrims. Where do you think is the most suitable location for it?

  On top of the ruined donjon of the Edo Castle as a symbol of our pacifism.

  How about naming it Matsukasa Goo (Pine Cone Palace) in memory of Douglas MacArthur?

  http://homepage2.nifty.com/georgemt

　我が兵士の犠牲となった外国戦没者のために神社の建立を提案するのは、これが我々の心底からの慰霊の方法なので、引きも切らぬ参詣者が見込めるからである。

　どの地が、この神社に最も相応しいと、お考えか。

　国是の平和主義の象徴として、江戸城天守閣跡に建て、マッカーサー将軍を偲んで松傘宮と称するのは、いかが。

 
  November

12, 2006

  Alien Shrine 異国神社

  In retorting my support to our leader's Yasukuni visits, a neighbor asked me if we had any shrine for his people victimised by our soldiers.
  I think he has a point there.
  In spite of a small shrine for such victims attached to the Yasukuni reportedly reopened recently, I should like the Japanese to build a new one whose objects of worship are such aliens guarded by Douglas MacArthur as their head.
  What do you say, my fellow Japanese?

　http://homepage2.nifty.com/georgemt

　隣国の或る人が、我が国指導者の靖国参拝への筆者の支持に反論して、かの国での我が軍による犠牲者の為の慰霊堂でも日本にあるか、と尋ねてきた。
　これは正論だと思う。
　靖国神社に付設された鎮霊社が先だって再開されたと聞くが、この際、新神社を建立して、これら異国の諸霊を祭神とし、これを守護するのは主神ダグラス・マッカーサーと言うのは、どうだろう。

事実上の独裁 Virtual Dictator

　我々は憲法上、戦争を放棄したから軍事同盟は論外で、当然に戦力は持てないから軍事的自衛手段も無い筈だが、最高裁は、自らの違憲審査権を統治権に返上して、日米安保条約下の駐留米軍を黙認 （砂川事件; 59/12/16）、司法の権威を失墜し、同様に首相衆院解散権も黙過 (苫米地訴訟; 60/6/8) 、選良の地位を脅かし、よって以って三権分立を崩壊させ、これら判例を盾に内閣法制局が有権憲法解釈を強行する首相独裁が、かくて事実上、三権を集約した、これら判例の言う統治権として成立して久しいが、これを自生的秩序として追認するのが、わが教授の立憲主義である。

http://homepage2.nifty.com/georgemt

  Under the Constitution, we renounce war, let alone military alliance, with no military means of self-defense accordingly, while the Supreme Court has so demolished the mutual independence of the three powers by giving up its own power of testing the constitutionality of law to the sovereignty, in order to overlook the US forces in Japan under the Japan-US Security Treaty (Sunagawa Case; 16/12/59) at the cost of the authority of judicature as well as the Prime Minister's power of dissolving the House of Representatives (Tomabeji Suit; 8/6/60) in jeopardy of the status of lawmakers that succeeding such judicial precedents, the Cabinet Legislation Bureau has been railroading its authentic interpretation of the Constitution under thus-established Prime Minister's dictatorship ever prospering as virtually trinitarian, what such precedents call sovereign power, even confirmed as vernacular order by our Professor with his constitutionalism lately.


  August 09, 2006

  Last or After 有終と遊就

  Around August 15, our prime minister is going to pay his last homage to the Yasukuni Shrine, but not necessarily for its museum's warlike motif as he always explains.
  We hope that our neighbors will be generous enough to overlook his bereaved mourn for the war dead however they might have been atrocious.
  Looking back, I can see our real enemy has been our own poverty in spirits and goods, which we all are ever to grapple with together.

 
  http://homepage2.nifty.com/georgemt

敗戦記念日の頃、わが首相は靖国神社に最後の参拝を行なおうが、これは首相自身が常に釈明する通り、必ずしも遊就館の説く尚武を慕うものではない。
　いかにも凶悪だったろう者も含めて、これら戦没者を遺族として首相が追悼するのは近隣諸国が寛大に見過ごしてくれるよう、日本人は願っている。
　思い返せば、我々の真の敵は物心両面の貧困であったからこそ、これに我々皆が今後も共に取り組まねばならないのだろう。

しっかり、ちゃっかり Steady or Already

  憲法公布六十周年を記念して、しっかり晋ちゃんは、憲法の民主、人権及び平和の三原則が、この間に定着したと評価する振りをして、これら三原則の当初からの歪曲を改憲案で糊塗しようとする自民党の意図を、ちゃっかり誤魔化した。
  逆説めくが、わが近隣二国指導者と関係を、ちゃっかり修復したのだから、それ程しっかり、根付いた人権なら、これを駆使して、近隣二国に、わが国指導者の靖国弔問を誤解し毛嫌いして干渉などしないよう、今こそ説得を試みるべきなのだ。
  即ち、この説得を、ちゃっかり停止した首相は、憲法第十二条に反して、弔問と言う基本的人権を保持する不断の努力を怠っているから、しっかり違憲現行犯である。（下欄 「首相は自縄自縛」 参照）　

  http://homepage2.nifty.com/georgemt

  On the 60th promulgation day of the Constitution, our Premier the Steady apprecited its three principles of democracy, human right and pacifism so far found well consolidated, already veiling his own patch-up work (LDP's New Draft Constitution) intended on the original distortions of them.
  Paradoxically, with his contacts with our neighbors already recovered, he should now make use of the so steadfast human right, if any, for dissuading them from tabooing Yasukuni, which is an interventionism based on their misunderstanding of our leader's mourning at the shrine.
  That is to say, after such dissuation suspended, he is, in flagrant delict, unconstitutional instead in that he is neglecting his constant endeavor to maintain our basic right to mourn in violation of Article 12. (See my "Premier in Dilemma" bellow.)

  September 10, 2006

  Mutual Accountabilities 相互に説明責任

  LDP presidential candidate Shinzo Abe has pointed out (6/9/06) to our neighbors their total misunderstanding that LDP members are visiting the Yasukuni Shrine for eulogizing the Imperial militarism.
  There, we are simply mourning for the war dead killed in battle, or on the gallows for that matter, since they all died for our country on behalf of us. This is what a country is all about, isn't it?
  We feel deeply sorry for our past, and also like your understanding of our human grieves shown there.
  By the way, don't you know our saying that he who hates a bonze hates even his surplice?　
　

自由民主党の安倍晋三総裁候補は、同党員の靖国参拝が軍国主義称揚だと近隣諸国が批判するのは、全くの間違いだと指摘した（06/9/6）。
　この社頭で日本人は戦死者を、ひたすら、悼むのであり、その死が戦場だったか絞首台上だったかを問わないのは、これら死者が我々に代わって国に殉じたからである。国家とは、そうしたものではないだろうか。
　我々は、過去を深く悔いつつも、そこで我々が示す人間としての悲しみの情も、近隣諸国には理解して貰いたいのだ。
　ところで、近隣国には、「坊主憎けりゃ、袈裟まで」と言う諺は無いのだろうか。

  July 28, 2006

  Manlike Emperor 天皇も人

 
  According to his henchman's memo found recently, our Emperor Hirohito stopped visiting the Yasukuni Shrine ever after the Class-A war criminals including a few he didn't like were enshrined there.
  He looks here a bit too manlike to be our usual emperor. His attitude like this does tell us how our neighbors' hatred to them can be stronger.
  In spite of such natural feelings shared between here and there, we should like our neighbors to tolerate any Japanese paying homage to any of them since they are all our family members to be mourned for by us also naturally.

　昭和天皇は、近頃になって見付かった側近のメモによると、靖国神社への参拝を合祀A級戦犯中に不快な人物がいるので取り止めたらしい。
　これは、いつもの天皇とは違う人間味を感じさせ、この合祀への近隣諸国の反感が強いわけが尚更に分かるが、これら祭神を日本人が追悼するのも遺族としての自然な感情なのだから、分かって貰いたいものだ。

  June 24, 2006

  Bygones　去るものは

  Our supreme court has recently ruled that our prime minister's Yasukuni visit can be so private that no offence can ensue from it. This due and timely ruling must work in resolving the controversies between Japan and its neighbors.
  In spite of our deep remorse for our war crimes, any condoler on our war dead including war criminals should be tolerated by anyone else since the dead are to be mourned for in any civilized society.
  This commonsense has nothing to do with the Yasukuni Shrine's policy.

  最高裁が首相の靖国参拝は個人の行為で何の責めも伴わないと判断したばかりだが、この当然で時宜を得た判定は我が国と近隣諸国との間の悶着解決に役立つ筈だ。
  我々は戦争犯罪を深く悔いてはいるが、戦犯を含む我が戦没者への弔問は、死者を弔うのが文明なら、万人が許容すべきだ。
  この常識は靖国神社の趣旨とは無関係である。

空論と事実 Fuss or Fact

　九条は、準則なら、国防を保障しないから、原理に過ぎず、従って自衛手段を容認すると、教授は主張する (04/4/10) が、この絶対平和主義が、占領軍庇護下に天皇制軍国主義を解体し平和と民主を創造する起死回生の妙策だったことは、戦後史に隠れも無い。
　わが教授が論拠とする立憲主義は、万事を国柄に基いて行なうことだと言って自殺した評論家もいて、いわゆる九条有権解釈に対する歯止めが無く、結局は自衛隊最高指揮官自身が、「これは軍隊である」 と宣言 (03/5/20)、成文法治に戻って改憲せざるを得ないのでは、さすがの変人宰相も兜を脱ぐ逸脱ではないか。

  http://homepage2.nifty.com/georgemt

  As a principle, Article 9 shall, the professor says (10/4/04), allow us some means of self-defense since it is impossible as a rule, which can secure no national defense.
   Under the umbrella of the occupying Allied Forces, however, its absolute pacifism was a wonder-working policy so remarkable in our post-war history for demolishing the Imperial militarism and creating our peace and democracy.
   Our professor's constitutionalism, which was defined as a 'Rule based on the national makeup' by a critical suicide, doesn't act as a brake upon so-called authentic interpretations of Article 9.
  Isn't it a bit eccentric a situation even for our Premier the Eccentric to have no other alternative but to revise the constitutionl article, declaring, "JSDF is military!" (20/5/03) as its supreme commander himself? 

  May 30, 2006

  Gloom　憂鬱 

   The incessant rainy days aside, my gloom partly come from the mysteriousness of the Chinese who seem to put their hatred before our condolences to our war dead
including some war criminals.
  In fact, a young Chinese told me the other day that he could understand our Premier’s prayer at the Yasukuni Shrine.
  Hasn’t our government left something undone around here?

打ち続く雨天もさることながら、我が憂鬱は中国人が戦犯を含む我が戦没者への憎悪を、これへの我々の弔意に優先させる不可解さにも因る。
　ところが、先日、或る中国青年は、我が首相の靖国参拝を理解出来ると言ってくれたのだ。

この辺りで、日本政府は何か、仕残していないか。

法は法 Law Is Law

　たしかに憲法九条は自衛のための実力の保持を認めていないかに見えると言いながら、 東京大学憲法学教授が、自衛隊を合憲と解釈している（06/4/20）のは天下の奇観である。
   要するに、わが教授は青糸威しを法衣で被って、「九条は書いてある通りに読んではならぬ」と言い、助教授時代に十二条は文字通りに読んだことを忘れており （下記URLより 「酩酊」 7の「異説」参照）、これは自認する通りの後智恵だが、わが変人宰相は、「純一に読む九条を」と言う。
   わが君、重盛公には進退窮まるか。
   敵は本能寺にあり。新法王も裸だが、歯まで剥くとは推参なり。

  http://homepage2.nifty.com/georgemt 

　It is a wonder on earth to hear (20/4/06) a professor of constitution, the University of Tokyo, say that the Self-Defense Forces are constitutional in spite of the Constitution (Article 9) which sure appears to him against maintaining any powers for self-defense.
  In short, our Professor says, covering the Blue Armour with his robe as an afterthought as he himself admits, "Never read Article 9 as it is written!" to forget his own literal reading of Article 12 (See, via URL above, my "Intoxication 7" for another aspect of his unique theory), while our Premier the Eccentric says, "Get Article 9 to be read in one and pure way!"
  Which is my Lord Shigemori's choice?
  From behind this manoeuvre, looms up a new king of laws naked and snarling.

首相は自縄自縛 Premier in Dilemma

　首相が靖国社頭で小銭を投じて慰霊するのは人権行使であり、この慰霊が合祀戦犯に及んでも、これは帝国日本の戦争犯罪を一身に引き受けて刑死した殉国者への人道的儀礼なので、近隣諸国には衷心から諒解を願いたいが、この人権行使を首相が堂々と内外に主張出来ないのは、憲法が人権は常に公共の福祉のために利用すべき (12条) とし、この公共の福祉とは国民の共同生活における幸福だと判例 (1952/1/18: 東地刑) が定義しているので、首相の靖国参拝が、近隣諸国に嫌悪され、外交を停滞させ、国益を著しく損なっている以上、人権の公共の福祉のための行使どころか、その濫用となり、憲法違反 (12条) だからである。これは戦勝連合国だけでなく日本国民をも欺いて人権を有名無実化している偽装憲法の見事な報いであり、その密かな手直しを今次の自民党改憲案は目論んだが、証文を出し遅れて、ライオンが馬脚を露した次第。下記参照。

  http://homepage2.nifty.com/georgemt

  At the Yasukuni Shrine, our prime minister prayed for peace to the war dead, after throwing his pocket money into the offertory box for showing off his own human right just being used. Our neighboring countries are dearly expected to tolerate his humanistic prayer heard of course by some martyrs also enshrined there after executed by the Allied for war crimes committed by the Imperial Japan. Why isn't our prime minister claiming his action like this openly at home and abroad? Because when our Constitution says our human rights are to be always utilized for the public welfare (Art. 12) and this public welfare is defined as the happiness of the people in the community life by our judicial precedent (TDC: 18/1/1952), our prime minister's Yasukuni visits, which offend our neighbors so much, deadlock our diplomacy so deep, and hurt our national interests so gravely, are far from utilizing his human right for the public welfare but abusing it in violaton of our Constitution (Art. 12). This is a good fruit of the constitutional gimmicks reducing our human rights to nonentities, which have ever been cheating not only the Japanese but also the then triumphant Allied. The recent LDP draft constitution to be stealthily remedying such errors came too late to be valid for our lion sooner revealing his cloven hoof. See bellow:

  http://homepage2.nifty.com/georgemt

惻隠より謙譲 Modesty Than Pity

　今、日本人に必要なのは、武士道的な惻隠の情よりは、人道的な謙譲の美である。封建の余慶ではなく、全地の互恵だろう。平等神話の相対化は必然だが、民主憲法の戯画化は失当だ。ただ、この数学者が派手に糊塗した (05/11/20) 問題の憲法偽装は、小説家が既に、案としてではあるが、穏当に修復している。即ち、日本国憲法第十二条の末尾を、現行の無残に歪曲された条文とは対照的に、人権は国民全体の幸福の為に責任を持って使用すべきもの、 と意訳していた (03/3/30) のである。両人共に著名な文人を父としたが、一は自由に自由を攻撃し、他は権力悪を攻撃はしなかった。彼等の父の世代には、人権は公正である以上に貴重である。記事末尾参照。

  We Japanese should now be modest as human rather than pitiful as samurai. Not feudal leftover but global reciprocity. The myth of equality is necessarily relativized but our democratic constitution is unduly caricatured. Only, the constitutional trick in question the mathematician loudly patched up (20/11/05) had duly been remedied by a novelist in his plan, who paraphrased (30/4/03) Article 12 at its tail as "use such rights responsively for the happiness of nation" in contrast to the existing badly twisted.  Both of them are sons of famous men of letters, and one attacks freedom freely, while the other dares not attack the evil by power. For the generation of their fatherｓ, such basic human rights are more precious than fair. See bellow:

  http://homepage2.nifty.com/georgemt

九回憲法調 9th Charter Review

　自民党新憲法草案（05/10/28）は、一次案の第五十四条「衆議院の解散は、内閣総理大臣が決定する。」に「第六十九条の場合その他の場合の」を被せたが、これは、内閣信任の成否を除く「その他の場合」に当決定権が何故に総理大臣に帰属するのか理由を述べない限り、憲法調査会第九回総会議事録で筆者が温存を確認した天皇衆院解散権を無条件で内閣総理大臣が簒奪することになり、不敬と専横の極わみではないだろうか。

  LDP's Draft Constitution (28/10/05), which covers its 1st Sketch Article 54, "The dissolution of the House of Representatives shall be at the Prime Minister's discretion." with "In such cases as Article 69," must be most blasphemous and arbitrary, unless the party gives its reason why Emperor's Diet dissolution power, which I found kept alive till now (Diet's Constitutional Review: 9th General Assembly Minutes), is to be usurped unconditionally by the Prime Minister even for other cases than Article 69.

  http://homepage2.nifty.com/georgemt

新12条文案は旧悪を暴露 New 12 Tells Old

　自民党の新憲法起草委員会が発表 （05/8/1) した第十二条文案は、戦後にマッカーサー草案を意図的に誤訳した現行条文から大筋ではマ原文 （第十一条) へ復帰するものと言うことが出来、筆者の年来の主張 （下記で 「公益並行配慮説」 参照） が実現されたので歓迎するが、この自民党の英断は、現行条文下の半世紀に亙る故意の人権侵害に就いて制憲与党の衣鉢を継ぐ立場から全国民に謝罪することを伴わねば、画竜点晴を欠く。起草委員長、カミヨマヨイミコト、いかが。

   Article 12 rewritten (1/8/05) by LDP seems to has basically gone back to the original given by General MacArthur (article 11), although our government mistranslated it deliberately soon after the war. As a longtime complainer of it (See bellow), I welcome the new provision, which must now be followed by an apology from LDP as the heir to the founder ruling party for long ignoring people's basic human rights, to put the finishing touch to this brave decision. What do you say as the drafter in chief , Mr. "Paper Delusory"?   

http://homepage2.nifty.com/georgemt

首相参拝への応援 Yasukuni Visit Welcomed

　終戦記念日が近づいているが、小泉首相の靖国神社参拝は我が国における主たる諸宗教の代表的廟堂への終戦記念巡拝の一環としてのみ政教分離下の儀礼慣行として正当化出来、それも中韓両国等の予めの諒解を得ておくのが望ましい。これらの国には外務省が日本の慰霊習俗を懇切に説いて貰いたい。これは人権と利権と国権が絡む重大問題ながら、解決は急がねばならない。下記参照。

  Around Ausust 15, Prime Minister Koizumi's visit to Yasukuni Shrine can be justified as part of his pilgrimage to mausoleums in main religeons in this country, preferably with tacit consents to it from such countries as Korea and China, which should beforehand be briefed by our Foreign Ministery on our memorial services. We have to be quick here, since this controversial issue involves our human and national rights (See bellow) besides various interests on both sides. 

   http://homepage2.nifty.com/georgemt

反日には人権で Tit for Tat

　中韓での反日デモは、その激しさに驚いたが、これは、こちらで繰り返された不見識な言動が中国の若者を刺激した面があり、我が国要路で散見する放言の罪は深くとも、言論自由の国柄では口に戸は立てられず、人権も両刃の剣かと歯痒いが、これら無責任な老人も漸て自由な言論が淘汰するに違いないと、海の向こうの若者たちに伝えたい。

  The anti-Japan demonstrators in China and Korea have astonishingly been violent, fiercely irritated at some senseless remarks repeated here and there by our men of influence. In this country of free speech, however, you cannot place a gag on their big mouths in this dilemma of a human right. Young demonstrators overseas should be advised that our free speech would eventually be dismissing  such irresponsible oldsters over here.    

  http://homepage2.nifty.com/georgemt

煙幕を張った What's Hidden

　先日発表された自民党の新憲法案要綱は、現憲法第十二条の　「公共の福祉」　が曖昧なので　「公益」　に変えると言うが、これは、もともと、マッカーサー草案では後者であったものを、制憲与党だった同党が訳あって前者に変えたのを忘れたかのような言い草である。ここには自民党の重大な背信行為が伏在する。ことの真相を下記クリックで。

  LDP's new constitutional gist published (4/4/05) says that the phrase "publiic welfare" in the existing Article 12 is to be replaced, for its ambiguity, with the "common benefit," which had, in fact, been the original in the draft given by GHQ, only to be quickly replaced, for some reasons (See bellow), with the former by LDP itself now saying nothing about such a treachery. 

　http://homepage2.nifty.com/georgemt